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November 1-15 , 2011
Volume 19 - Number 19
$1
Prolétaires de tous les pays, unissez-vous!
Otatoskewak ota kitaskinahk
mamawestotan!
Workers of all lands, unite
1) THE OCCUPY MOVEMENT: A POWERFUL AND LIBERATING ACTION
2) OCCUPY MONTREAL: A PERSONAL STORY
3) OCCUPY VANCOUVER CHALLENGES CORPORATE DOMINATION
4) ONTARIO ELECTION A HUGE SETBACK FOR TORIES
5) ISSUES CLEAR IN VANCOUVER CIVIC CAMPAIGN
6) WARSHIPS NOTHING TO CELEBRATE - Editorial
7) THE AFGHAN PRISONER SCANDAL - Editorial
8) LIBERAL MLAs CRITICIZE
CLBC
9) CETA BAD FOR HAMILTON - AND EVERY MUNICIPALITY
10) CANADIAN PEACE ALLIANCE TO CAMPAIGN FOR "PEACE
AND PROSPERITY"
11) GREEK AUSTERITY PROTESTERS DEFY ATTACKS
12) KOREANS PROTEST FTA WITH UNITED STATES
13 IRAN REGIME MOVES TO SHORE UP DICTATORSHIP
14) WHO NEEDS PHILOSOPHY, ANYWAY?
15) MUSIC NOTES, by Wally Brooker
16) OLIVER STONE'S SEARCH FOR THE REAL FIDEL
17) WHAT’S
LEFT
18) CLARTÉ (en français)
19)
THE SPARK! (Theoretical and Discussion Bulletin of the Communist Party of
Canada)
20) INTRODUCING MARX
PEOPLE'S VOICE NOVEMBER
1-15, 2011 (pdf)
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People's Voice deadlines: NOVEMBER 16-30 December 1-31 Send submissions to PV Editorial Office,
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REDS
ON THE WEB |
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People's Voice finds many "Global Class Struggle" reports at the "Labour Start" website, http://www.labourstart.org/. We urge our readers to check it out! |
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(The following articles are from the November
1-15, 2011, issue of People's
1) THE
OCCUPY MOVEMENT: A POWERFUL AND LIBERATING ACTION
A message from the Central Executive
Committee, Communist Party of Canada
The expansion
of
As the
Communist Party said when the Tories won a majority in Parliament with less
than 40% of the popular vote, the crucial fightback
by working people over the next four years will take place in our streets,
workplaces and communities. Today, this struggle is around the rights of the
"99%" to assemble in public spaces, to organize forms of collective
resistance, and to speak out for fundamental economic, social and political
reforms.
Our most
urgent need at this moment is to strengthen broader unity in action, especially
among working people, who form the vast majority of the "99%". While
there are many important issues raised within the Occupy movement, unity can
best be built around demands which undermine the power of our common enemy: big
capital. The corporate drive for maximum profits is responsible for destroying
our planet, and for the escalating attacks against workers, Aboriginal peoples,
racialized communities, women, youth, seniors, and
other sections of the people. Ultimately, stronger collective resistance
against this deadly enemy can open the door to a process of genuine democratic
social change, leading towards a socialist future.
One of the
outstanding strengths of the Occupy movement is its breathtaking diversity.
From its beginnings on Wall Street, the movement has attracted a stunning range
of participants, including many who are taking action for the first time. This
movement is a sharp challenge to the claim that "there is no
alternative" to the policies of big capital and its governments and
parties. The growing participation of organized labour
and other progressive groups shows that within this diversity, there is strong
support for a "people's alternative", based on the needs of working
people and the environment, not the greed of the corporations.
The positive
response to the involvement of trade unions and other progressive forces
emphasizes the need for labour and its allies to help
build the Occupy movement. Such a strategy can help block and even defeat the
attacks by the Harper Tories and the corporate bosses - especially their
assault on decades of hard-won social and collective bargaining gains.
Recognizing this basic truth, many union locals, labour
councils and provincial federations have mobilized for the Occupy events.
It's true
that such tactics call for a careful approach to avoid accusations of "labour domination." On the other hand, holding back
from coalition-building, or offering only lukewarm support, could leave the
organized sections of the working class at the mercy of the right‑wing
attack. Failure to seize the opportunity presented by the Occupy protests would
be an historic blunder; we urge all affiliates and Labour
Councils to encourage the leaderships of the Canadian Labour
Congress and the CSN (Confédération des syndicats nationaux, or CNTU) in
Québec to prioritize all-out labour support of this
struggle.
This is not
to minimise the challenges facing the attempt to
build a powerful, broad campaign for change. Initial enthusiasm for mass action
has sometimes been dulled by lengthy debates over how to create perfect
democratic structures. The welcome process of open, inclusive debate has
occasionally meant that speakers' lists are dominated by individuals with the
loudest voices, rather than those who speak for large numbers of workers,
Aboriginal peoples, racialised communities, women,
students, seniors, farmers, homeless people, and other targets of the
capitalist agenda.
But these
difficulties should not become an excuse by progressives and labour activists to dismiss or ignore the Occupy movement.
We must all join the debates and present our views and ideas, which are based
on the experience of many campaigns to defend labour
rights, democracy, equality, and social justice.
In this
spirit, members of the Communist Party of
Here are some
of the immediate demands which our Party has proposed:
* Nationalize the banks and insurance
companies!
* Double the corporate tax rate,
especially for the largest transnationals, oil
companies, etc.
* Good jobs, liveable
wages and benefits for all!
* End attacks on workers' rights!
* Stop privatizations and cutbacks to
public services!
* Make education (including post‑secondary),
healthcare and childcare accessible and affordable!
* Build social housing, and
significantly raise the minimum wage and welfare rates!
* Cut military spending by 75%!
* Fight climate change, not wars for
energy resources!
Our aim is a
socialist Canada, one in which the productive wealth of society is collectively
owned and democratically controlled, not by the 1% of the rich and powerful
corporate interests, but by the working people. We welcome your comments and
feedback around these proposals. Contact us for more information.
2) OCCUPY
By Johan Boyden
As I step
onto the night bus, bundled up in a heavy winter coat and sweater, a passenger
looks at me curiously. I'm dragging a little rolling suitcase, a small tent and
foam mattress. Tonight my partner and I will sleep in the financial district,
but not in a posh hotel.
Like many of
the 26‑and‑counting occupations across the country, Occupy
The camp set
up on October 15, with about forty tents under the trees. A few days later
there were over a hundred.
"Now there
are almost 300 tents," a woman at an information table tells me. Like a
patchwork quilt, tents have sprung up over almost available place. Most
are sheltered under large tarps, between the trees. Political signs and banners
hang like decorations.
I roll my
bundles into the square, looking up at La tour de la Bourse, the Stock exchange
tower, once Canada's tallest building. Since then it's been occupied by
students, bombed by
From tree‑top
level a statue of Queen
On the
opposite site of the street is a tiny empty spot under the trees. This where I
put my tent, not too far from where Rouky lives ‑
a friendly fluffy dog.
"It's
growing fast and attracting all sorts of people," explains a young man who
is looking after Rouky. That includes homeless people
who need "basic medical care, like injuries to their feet". He's
volunteered with the Medics because he has a First Aid certificate, and there
are paramedics and nurses volunteering during the day. Sometimes Rouky carries medical supplies in dog packs and they move
around the square, he tells me. "I had no choice to come down here,"
he says. He agrees with the
It's dark as
I put up my tent. An older man appears and helps. I can hear drums from one
side of the camp, mixing with street traffic. Young people are still up,
walking around debating and telling stories in different languages, having a
drink or smoking. Suddenly there is a loud clattering noise - a group of women
in high heels marching past, dressed up for a night out in the clubs. Later, I
hear a heated argument. A man yells "No violence in the camp" several
times. The debate quiets down.
All around
are hand‑made bi‑lingual signs. They ask for no alcohol or drug use
and to make the camp a safe space for women. There are also signs saying women‑only
tents can be made available.
A little
before midnight, my partner arrives. She's just been interviewed by a campus
radio station, and talked about the Charter of Youth Rights campaign. We have
to be back to pick up our baby at ten tomorrow, she says.
There are
some young families in the camp. A little girl is doing painting with her
parents. Behind the future medic tent is a kid's play area. There are slides,
small tables and plastic toys. But it's getting colder, even under our warm
blankets.
We're not the
only people experiencing their first night. Amber is a student at McGill from
the
"The
whole 99 percent thing speaks to how bad income inequality is" and how the
"one percent are totally disconnected," Amber says, adding that the
situation is "not democratic because the one percent have far bigger
influence." She has been to student demos before, but this is her first
time camping out for a political cause.
We shiver and
try to sleep. Around 4:00 the car noise drops. So does the talking. At 4:30 I
hear the automated brushes and spray of street cleaners passing. It is a
bizarrely soothing sound. We fall asleep with the rest of the camp.
Despite the
cold, Marie Kim, Louise and Genevieve tell me in the morning that they slept
soundly. The three students at a
Louise thinks
the camp is "a site of experimentation." She tells me that in the
camp there is no ideology ‑ either independentist
(
As we wake
up, the crisp morning light shines through the remaining leaves on the trees.
We walk over to the kitchen station, which is becoming the center of life.
Three people are making French toast. Reda calculates
that he has made about fifty slices already this morning. The kitchen is a bit
messy and damp. Another volunteer says they are getting donations from people's
houses.
"I'm not
here for anything" Reda tells me. "I'm here
because of what I'm against." He talks about wars for money, hypocrisy and
petroleum,
Reda has just finished a BA degree in Marketing. He is also
part of the camp's "political and philosophical committee". Next to
him is Caroline, making coffee. She is a CEJEP student living near
Before we
leave, I talk with others around the camp. "It is quite inspiring to be
part of this kind of mass action and gathering" says Nicola, another
student who also just set up a tent. "It is not about countries or
communities" says Olivier, a musician who works for a theatre company,
"It is about all humanity."
Michael
launches into a long story. "I've been on a political camping trip since I
left Sault Ste. Marie in May," he says. "I've seen bears, goats,
wolves." Mike is homeless. His shoes are split open. "My issue? My
issue is everything."
Time to head
home. We pass through the Centre de Commerce mondial
de Montréal ‑
I glance
back. Clusters of tiny tents huddle at the feet of giant skyscrapers:
Whatever you
make of the protest, the outlook of the young participants is another crack in
the social‑economic system that these buildings represent, a system that
will inevitably break under the weight of its class contradictions. Whatever
direction this movement heads ‑ and it faces difficult challenges ‑
it is a seed, a kernel of resistance. It can grow, with broad support from the
working people and stronger organization.
I start to
hum the tune to an old labour anthem. "In our
hands is placed a power greater than their horded gold, Greater than the might
of armies, magnified a thousand‑fold. We can bring to birth a new world
from the ashes of the old. For the union makes us strong!"
Solidarity
forever, occupy!
3) OCCUPY
By Kimball Cariou,
organizer of the Vancouver East Club, Communist Party of Canada
The
The largest
Occupy action has been in
But the
turnout was equally impressive in much smaller cities - a thousand in
I have been
at the Art Gallery nearly every day since the occupation began, taking in the
occasional General Assembly, marching with others in the streets, handing out
literature and buttons, and engaging in wide-ranging political debates with
everyone from the campers to tourists.
This is the
season when the first blasts of winter arrive in this clear-cut rain forest,
now a huge metropolitan area built on unceded
Indigenous territories. The weather since Oct. 15 has mostly been sunny, but
even the rainy days haven't dampened the spirits of those living in nearly 100
tents outside the Gallery. The occupation site is well-organized, with tents
for medical aid, hot food, workshops, even a small library. The Steelworkers
union is just one of the labour groups offering
solidarity, by paying to pump out several port-a-potties every day.
Not
surprisingly, the politics of Occupy
It's true
there is not one specific demand raised by Occupy
The opening
day march by Occupy
A series of
other events have followed, large and small.
For several
days, Occupy
There was big
excitement on the fifth day of Occupy
The next day,
Occupy activists joined StopWar (
October 22
was another big day. The featured speaker was environmentalist David Suzuki,
who drew about a thousand people to that afternoon's General Assembly. Since
Suzuki's foundation attracts sizable corporate donations, it took some time for
the GA to reach a consensus allowing him to speak. (He's a member of the 1%, some
argued, not the 99%.) Suzuki gave a passionate appeal for political action on
all levels, from voting to joining the Occupy movement. He hammered home the
point that without massive popular action, politicians and governments will
inevitably yield to the power of big money.
That theme
flowed nicely to the action of the day, as hundreds of people held a "run
on the banks." Going to branches of the biggest Canadian banks,
participants held sit-ins and played music while others closed their accounts.
The greed of financial institutions was seen by all, as every bank charged a
sizable fee for shutting down these accounts.
Communists
have been busy at several of these events, carrying Party banners and flags,
passing out copies of People's Voice and Rebel Youth, and selling "Occupy
Capitalism" buttons. Every time, people take photos of our banners and get
into deep conversations about the problems with capitalism, and the potential
solutions. Many are impressed with the demands raised by the Communist Party,
which go far beyond the policies of any other party.
Where will
this struggle end? At this point, it's hard to say. The danger does exist that
Occupy
4)
PV Ontario Bureau
One reason
for the Tories' failure to launch was their call to attack the poor, Aboriginal
Peoples, women, labour and youth. Their platform
included proposals for a two-strikes law, forced prison labour,
new police powers, and making political action by trade unions illegal, as well
as massive cuts to social spending, privatization of public assets, new
corporate tax cuts, and more deregulation.
The platform
reflects the ideas of the Ontario Landowners Association, an extreme, right‑wing
rural organization headed by MPP Randy Hillier, which secured nominations in
several ridings and knocked off veteran incumbent Norm Stirling.
A large part
of the defeat is being laid at the door of Toronto Mayor Rob Ford, whose
cutting of city services and assets roused a huge public mobilization. The
"trifecta" of Ford, Harper and Hudak became a fearful example of what a Tory
The Tories
began their campaign with a xenophobic attack on "foreign workers"
which lost them seats in the GTA and other urban areas. They ended with a
vicious attack on LGBT rights, draped in an attack on a sex education program
considered by the TDSB two years ago. That sealed the deal with a complete Tory
shut‑out in
Tory leader
Tim Hudak was also outed by
social conservatives in his own party, who announced in July that he had signed
a petition promising to de‑list abortion as an insured health service if
he formed a government.
All this was
hammered home night after night in TV ads put together by the Liberal-friendly
Working Families Coalition, an elections third party funded by the building
trades, teacher unions, CAW, and some others in the public sector. It was an
effective campaign.
The result
was also a failure of the NDP, which tacked sharply to the right in an effort
to win Liberal votes and ride the "orange crush" to government, or at
least to opposition status, a la
Jack Layton. The NDP gained only seven seats in urban and northern
The BC
referendum on the HST sent a clear message that repeal of the HST would have
widespread support. But Big Business supports the HST, and the NDP told media
they would not repeal. Likewise on skyrocketing auto insurance rates, the best
they could offer was to bring "stakeholders" together to discuss
options. In other words, to talk to the insurance companies. On jobs, they
proposed to appoint a watchdog on plant closures; a voice without teeth. And still
the memory of Bob Rae lingers, despite NDP leader Andrea Horwath's
rejoinders to "move on".
The Green
Party's 8% vote in the 2007 election collapsed to just 3%, the result of right
wing economic and social policies, and the fact that electoral reform was virtually
a non‑issue in this campaign, while environmental issues like wind farms
were adroitly handled by the government. Former Green Party leader and
Davenport candidate Frank De Jong helped sink his
party when he said the Harris government had it right on education policy. In
fact, the Harris Tories declared war on public education during two terms from
1995 to 2003.
In fact the
Liberals won by default, by being the least‑worst of the top two, by fear
of the Tories, by memories of Mike Harris and Bob Rae, by the NDP's tepid policies, by a Green party that's closer to the
Tories than any other party, by voters' unwillingness to elect the same
government federally and provincially, by an undemocratic voting system. But
voters did put the Liberals on a short leash, and McGuinty
must listen to public opinion or face the consequences.
The Communist
Party's vote remained low, but its nine candidates found voters attentive to
their message. For the first time in many years Communist lawn signs graced neighbourhoods in
"People
are listening with a new ear" said CPC (
The party
demonstrated outside both TV Ontario and CBC during the campaign, forcing TVO
to finally interview Rowley on the party's platform and policies.
The lowest
voter turn‑out in
It's not that
voters are disinterested in politics. Working people ‑ and youth in the
first place ‑ are very interested and active, but are also fed up with
electoral politics that promise progressive change but don't deliver. The anti‑capitalist,
anti-corporate message of the Occupy movement reflects this.
On the verge
on a new and deeper recession, perhaps a depression; and with right‑wing
governments all around, including the newly elected Liberal minority, hard
times are about to get even harder.
The Liberals
are likely to rely on the Tories to support program cuts and privatizations in
the next budget, and for the attacks on the public sector unions and on free
collective bargaining that will follow. On the main economic questions, Liberal
and Tory policies are not significantly different. Their differences are on law
and order issues and on social questions, where the Liberals are likely to rely
on the NDP for support. An election is unlikely for at least a couple of years.
The decisive
question now is the extra‑parliamentary struggle, with effective labour and progressive leadership at the core, to exert
sufficient pressure on Queen's Park to divert the corporate agenda. The issues
of good jobs, rising wages and living standards, strong social programs,
affordable housing, quality public health care and education, accessible post
secondary education, a guaranteed annual income, public ownership and civil and
democratic rights continue to be at the centre of the struggles ahead. This is
a struggle to curb corporate power and to bring about real, progressive and
fundamental change.
This will no
doubt be at the heart of this month's OFL Convention.
5) ISSUES
CLEAR IN
PV Vancouver Bureau
With
municipal elections set for Nov. 19 across
Civic
elections in B.C. are often an electoral form of shadow-boxing, leaving voters
to guess the underlying views of candidates who are unofficially linked to
major provincial parties. But in
On the right,
the so-called Non-Partisan Association, backed by forestry, mining and
development companies, and by the provincial Liberals and federal Tories, has
tried to spark a "Rob Ford"-style campaign. The NPA mayoralty
candidate, councillor Suzanne Anton, has lashed out
at bicycle lanes and urban agriculture initiatives to claim that Mayor Gregor Robertson and his Vision majority at City Hall are
"out of touch." More recently, Anton has threatened to shut down the
Occupy
Unfortunately
for the NPA, this bluster has failed to bring gains in the polls, and its crop
of candidates are seen as lightweights. But with tons of corporate money and
media support, the NPA could still squeak back into office.
Vision
remains the most popular party in the polls, and the left-labour
Coalition of Progressive Electors also has a strong following. However, the
real test will be the ability of Vision and COPE to encourage their supporters
to back each others' candidates in the voting booth.
The two
parties agreed again this year to field a united slate to defeat the NPA.
Unlike in 2008, when Vision was still an opposition force, this campaign
follows a term in office for Robertson and his centrist party. Those three
years saw close cooperation at the School Board level by a Vision-COPE majority
united against provincial education underfunding.
But at city
council, some important differences emerged, with COPE taking a stance against
the tax shift from businesses to homeowners, and in favour
of stronger protections for civil liberties.
In the eyes
of most COPE supporters, despite these real differences, the electoral alliance
with Vision is the only way to block the NPA. That is also the view of the
Vancouver and District Labour Council, and unions
such as CUPE and the Teachers, which have endorsed both parties in this
campaign.
A joint slate
card will go out soon, urging
As in past campaigns,
COPE is pushing hard on working class issues such as improved public transit
and affordable housing.
COPE's platform calls for creating a transit system that
encourages drivers to get out of their cars by addressing the speed, cost, and
capacity of buses. The escalation of fares has taken a one-month 3-zone transit
pass up to $151, a heavy price for workers on low incomes. COPE is calling for
a "community C-pass", similar to the U-pass available for
post-secondary students. The cost of a C-pass would depend on the number of
households which take part in the system, which COPE expects would be extremely
popular.
COPE is also
calling for action to press the regional Translink
system for a freeze in fares, greater frequency of bus service, and measures to
improve traffic light coordination for buses.
While the
Mayor is attempting to hold off right-wing demands to remove the Occupy
"COPE
stands in solidarity with the people of
"COPE's goal is to create a
In the wake
of the recent Supreme Court ruling in favour of the Insite safe injection facility, COPE is calling for more
access to treatment, mental health assistance, and safe injection for people
struggling with addiction. While the NPA doesn't dare oppose the popular Insite facility, its links with the Harper Tories could
indicate a lack of future support if Anton became mayor. COPE and Vision both
have long track records in full support of expanding this vital public health
initiative.
Weather
forecasts predict a cold winter ahead, with the City's homeless shelters
remaining at capacity. Vision and COPE have announced their commitment to
secure funding for a 24/7 women's shelter in the Downtown Eastside, a priority
for groups which work with vulnerable women.
"Many
women from the Downtown Eastside have gone missing or are staying in violent
relationships. We have heard from several community groups that homeless women
often do not feel safe in the shelters that also allow men, and choose to stay
outside instead," says Woodsworth. "That's
not acceptable, and you can count on COPE and Vision to make a 24/7 women's
shelter a priority."
Such a
shelter is recommended in the City's Affordable Housing and Homelessness plan,
backed by all members of council except Suzanne Anton. As well, Anton was the
only council member to vote against ongoing city support for emergency homeless
shelters.
6) WARSHIPS NOTHING TO CELEBRATE
People's Voice Editorial
In a world
where billions live in poverty, a trillion dollars every year are poured into
military programs. From this perspective, the announcement of some $35 billion
in federal shipbuilding contracts is nothing to celebrate, even for workers who
will get job guarantees for the foreseeable future.
First the
appalling waste of nearly $30 billion on F-35 fighter-bombers, and now these
warships. The Harper Tories continue to put the pedal to the metal for war
spending, which will hit $500 billion over the next twenty years. Federal
funding for health care, women's equality, childcare, social housing,
environmental research and other vital progams is
relentlessly slashed, but when no expense is spared to buy bigger and better
guns for the troops.
Over
three-quarters of this new spending is for military vessels to be built in the
Maritimes. These ships will be heavily armed with weapons ranging from missiles
to torpedoes to machine guns. Their purpose is to make the world safer for
transnational corporations, not for human beings. The west coast shipbuilding
contracts are to build naval supply vessels, icebreakers, etc., rather than
warships. But these vessels will also be weaponized,
and will perform a vital function as part of a much larger, deadlier Canadian
war machine at the service of the
The Canadian
Peace
7) THE AFGHAN PRISONER SCANDAL
People's Voice Editorial
Ten years
into the NATO occupation of
The
disturbing conclusion of the United Nations Assistance
The NDS and
the ANP are integral parts of the Karzai government,
infamous for its close connections with warlords, religious extremists, and
drug kingpins. Those are also
Stephen
Harper has repeatedly stated that
8) LIBERAL MLAs CRITICIZE CLBC
By Kimball Cariou
In the latest
revolt against the anti-family policies of BC Premier Christy Clark, some of
her own backbenchers are now speaking out.
On Oct. 17,
former cabinet minister Randy Hawes slammed the province's treatment of adults
with developmental disabilities. Hawes, the MLA for Abbotsford-Mission, called
for a "top‑to‑bottom" review of Community Living B.C. and
suggested his own government has misled the public about problems with the
agency. Established by
Speaking in
the Legislature, Hawes said, "In this house, we heard the previous
minister and we also heard the previous CEO of CLBC say, 'No one gets moved
without it being their choice, without them agreeing.'" But we know that
that hasn't been what's been happening."
Hawes said
the government needs to give hope and provide services immediately to adults
with developmental disabilities and their families.
"In the
over 10 years that I've been in this legislature," he said, "there's
no issue that's caused me more loss of sleep or more concern for those most
vulnerable people. We need to act now."
Hawes raised
typical cases from his own constituency: a single mother forced to give up her
job because there were no services for her daughter, an elderly man who was
denied extra respite care to look after his disabled son and ailing wife, and a
family whose son became violent after being forced to move from a group home
into an unsuitable "home‑share" arrangement.
Another BC
Liberal MLA, Gordon Hogg, agreed with Hawes. Hogg was the minister responsible
for community living in 2001 when Gordon Campbell's government promised to
improve services for people with developmental disabilities. Many of those
commitments have been abandoned as CLBC faces massive budget shortfalls.
The next
Liberal to speak out was John van Dongen (Abbotsford
South). The government's rift over the issue was further exposed in the
Legislature by NDP leader Adrian Dix, who spoke about the debates over CLBC at
an Oct. 18 Liberal caucus meeting.
Just a few
days later, a fresh CLBC scandal emerged, with the news that top bureaucrats at
the agency have awarded themselves some $300,000 in executive performance
bonuses in recent years. Coming at a time when the provincial government
routinely claims "poverty," this revelation has sparked even wider
public anger.
But so far,
Social Development Minister Stephanie Cadieux, who
oversees CLBC, has rejected any outside review, claiming that she is studying
the situation personally. Cadieux recently became the
fourth minister in less than a year, replacing incompetent
Advocates for
the developmentally disabled welcomed the stance by the Liberal MLAs, who are putting their political careers on the line.
Dawn Steele of Moms on the Move called it "an extraordinary act of
courage."
Steele's
group supports the recommendations of the BC Community Living Action Group
(CLAG), which include:
* immediately inject $70 million to
address the unfunded backlog of service needs from the past two years;
* order a moratorium on CLBC's service redesign process, group home closures and
service cuts;
* order an external review of CLBC to
investigate the very serious and systemic concerns;
* establish an independent advocate to
provide independent monitoring, oversight, advocacy and public reporting on behalf
of adults with developmental disabilities;
* support choice in service options
and the meaningful inclusion of families and self-advocates.
9) CETA BAD
FOR HAMILTON - AND EVERY MUNICIPALITY
Special to PV
Council of
Canadians trade campaigner Stuart Trew has published
an analysis of the potential impact of the Canada-European Union Trade
Agreement on
Trew points out that "those who've witnessed first
hand the decline of
CETA will
strip cities like Hamilton of any tools to create new jobs, promote sustainable
development and enhance public services: "For the first time, CETA will
make apply trade and investment‑related disciplines to municipal
governments, Crown corporations, universities, hospitals and school boards ‑
the so‑called MUSH sector."
In a
nutshell, he argues, CETA would forbid municipalities from applying offsets, or
conditions designed to extract local development benefits, on tenders for
goods, services and construction over certain thresholds.
CETA would
ban "Buy Canadian" policies, depriving cities of an effective job‑creating
tool: "
The potential
to use procurement policies to achieve social goals would vanish. These include
employment or training goals, but also sustainable or green development
strategies, buy local food programs, and so on.
Supporters of
CETA claim that cities like
But
"taxpayer value" is more than the bottom line cost. In the
"It's
easier still to imagine buy local food policies at all public facilities,
including hospitals," writes Trew. "But of
course if the contracts run over the threshold for goods or services, good luck
trying to force catering and other food service firms from abiding by
reasonable local content quotas. Under CETA, there is no obligation for
corporations to do so, and even legal procedures they can invoke if anyone
tries."
As for the
"benefits" of CETA, Trew says these must be
"enormous" to justify depriving municipalities of important powers.
The federal government claims that CETA will add $12 billion, or 0.77 per cent
of GDP to the Canadian economy, phased in over time, based on numbers crunched
by European economists prior to the financial meltdown of 2008.
But since
then, an official sustainability impact assessment of CETA done for the
European Commission has predicted gains to
Another
reason to oppose CETA is water. The investment rights protected in the deal
would extend to private water firms if the
Trew gives the example of a contract awarded by Hamilton to
Philips Utilities Management Corporation for water and wastewater treatment.
"The community faced ten years of environmental disasters and financial
upheaval," he writes. "The workforce was cut in half within eighteen
months, millions of litres of raw sewage spilled into
the
Yet another
issue to consider is the drug reforms demanded by the EU in the intellectual property
chapter, which would increase the cost of public employee drug plans by almost
$3 billion per year across
"Free
trade" has little to do with trade, Trew says.
"These agreements were always about a specific type of economic governance
that purposely undermines democracy and empowers already powerful multinational
firms. The goal of free trade is export‑oriented growth with as few barriers
to capital and investment flows as possible. There are no jobs in CETA. There
are only reduced options for communities like
The same will
be true for other municipalities. It's time to kill this deal, before it
strangles local governments across
10) CANADIAN PEACE
By Saleh Waziruddin, co‑convenor of
The Canadian
Peace
At the
convention, the
The
convention kicked off with a discussion panel including a video address by
Afghan MP Malalai Joya, who
declared that Barack Obama is even worse than George Bush, as well as speeches
by Judith LeBlanc of the U.S. network Peace Action, Suraia
Sahar of Afghans for Peace, and CPA co‑chair
Derrick O'Keefe of Vancouver StopWar.
Several
resolutions were passed, including support for the campaign to let US War
Resisters stay in Canada, helping students counter military recruitment, and
participating in elections by encouraging peace candidates and clear anti‑war
positions. A resolution proposed by the Canadian Peace Congress was adopted,
committing the CPA to annual cross‑Canada Days of Action against the war
in
The
convention elected a steering committee that includes new member organizations
represented by young leaders, such as Afghans for Peace, Afghan Canadian
Student Association, National Council of Canadian Tamils, and Alternatives
North in the Northwest Territories.
The delegates
and observers marched to St. James Park to join in Occupy Toronto, and attended
workshops addressing topics such as Canada's role in Afghanistan, war and the
environment, First Nations sovereignty, and wars in Africa, Palestine, Haiti,
Libya, Sri Lanka, and Kashmir.
For more information,
visit the CPA website, www.acp-cpa.ca.
11) GREEK
AUSTERITY PROTESTERS DEFY ATTACKS
PV Vancouver Bureau
Tens of
thousands of Greeks rallied central
The
In yet
another attempt to frighten the Greek people into silence, Finance Minister Evangelos Venizelos issued an impassioned appeal to MPs,
claiming that failure to approve the measures would be disastrous.
"If the
law is not approved, including every single article it contains, particularly
those to
In the end,
the package was narrowly adopted, despite defections by one or two MPs from the
governing PASOK (Socialist) party. The measures include dismissal of 30,000
public employees, further reducing pay rates, and suspending collective
bargaining agreements.
Before the
final votes, The general secretary of the civil servants' union ADEDY, Ilias Iliopoulos, warned: "It looks as if MPs are set
to vote in favour of the new austerity law, but they
have no popular consent. Our European friends must know that our prime minister
will go to the EU summit naked, because the promises he will make have no
backing in his country and cannot be enforced."
The main
organized force behind resistance to the austerity measures has been the
All-Workers Militant Front (PAME), a broad labour
movement led by the Greek Communist Party (KKE).
Responding to
the attack unleashed against the enormous rally and strikes organized by PAME,
the Greek Communists condemned the attempts by the bourgeois media to distort
the facts.
A statement
from the KKE notes, "on October 19-20 hundreds of thousands of workers
participated in the big strike mobilisation, in which
the class‑oriented trade unions of PAME played the leading role, together
with other forces of the social alliance (MAS, PASEVE, PASY, OGE). The success
of the first day of the strike and the massive demonstration in the central
Faked
"incidents", the game of "hide and seek" with the riot
police, the damage to shops and buildings by small provocateur groups, could
not extinguish the message of the huge popular demonstration, says the KKE.
But some
international media reported false claims of an attempt by the demonstrators to
occupy the parliament, which had no relation to reality.
On the second
day, the ruling sought to suppress the strong political message of the workers.
PAME had announced the encirclement of the Parliament as the anti‑worker
measures were to be discussed and voted on, article by article with a roll call
vote, at the request of the KKE deputies. In a planned way, organized groups
armed with Molotov cocktails, stones, and other weapons, including the teargas
and stun grenades used by the police, attempted to disperse the rally in Syntagma, especially the part where PAME was concentrated.
The assault took place on the edges of the demonstration, injuring 80 PAME
demonstrators and killing Dimitriz Kotzaridis, a construction worker and PAME member. But the
attacks failed to disperse the rally.
Affected by
the suffocating atmosphere caused by the use of smoke bombs and fire
extinguishers by the provocateurs, Kotzaridis became
dizzy and collapsed. His comrades carried out first aid procedures and moved
him out of the Square, but he died of respiratory failure, said Ilias Sioras, cardiologist and
member of the union of workers at the Evanggelismos
hospital. The final findings will be announced after a coroners' investigation.
As the KKE
says, "certain international bourgeois media sought to present the
aforementioned incidents as a conflict between two ideological‑political
currents inside the people's movement. This approach has nothing to do with
reality since in Greece it is well‑known that these groups which appear
under the cover of the black hood are organized and staffed by the forces of
the bourgeois system and include everything from organized hooligans of
football teams, to hired thugs from night clubs, members of neo‑Nazi
organizations and forces of security services. There is a lot of evidence from
the recent past that show the relations of these groups with the mechanisms of
the system. They are murderous groups which serve the bourgeois system and have
no relation with the people's movement. They are unleashed by the system itself
in order to organize provocations (like the burning of the bank on 5/5/2010
where three employees died) and provide a pretext to the security forces so as
to use the equipment they possess in order to disperse the mass people's
demonstrations.
"Even
more dangerous and dirty is the slander that PAME protected the parliament from
the protesters, an allegation reproduced by bourgeois and opportunist mass
media ‑ domestic and international ones. This dirty allegation seeks to
portrait PAME as a support of the bourgeois system and the KKE as a `systemic
force', as a party of the bourgeois system. It emanates from those forces which
praise the `spontaneous' movement and present it in opposition to the organized
class‑oriented workers' movement. It is they who misleadingly identify
the revolution and the people's uprising with the burning of rubbish bins and
the breaking of shop windows and not with the organized political struggle of
the workers' movement which has roots in the factories, in workplaces, in
people's neighbourhoods...
"The KKE
and PAME do not need any `credentials' for their militancy which the bourgeois
media hand over to the hooded provocateurs, to the anarcho‑fascist
groups. Our history and activity has the appreciation of hundred of thousands
of working people who take part in the people's demonstrations, of millions of
workers who appreciate the consistent, unwavering struggle of our party, the
firmness of its goals for the overthrow of the capitalist barbarity and the
militancy of its members and cadre in the places where they work and live.
"This
slander that PAME allegedly `protected the bourgeois parliament from the
rebels' has nothing to do with reality and moreover it seeks to conceal the
truth, namely the fact that PAME managed, thanks to its strong vigilance, to
defend the demonstration and prevent the plans for its dissolution.
"As we
say in
12) KOREANS PROTEST FTA WITH UNITED STATES
By Sean Burton
South Korea's
long awaited free trade deal with the United States appears closer to reality,
as the US Congress ratified the arrangement on Oct. 12, during an official
visit to Washington by President Lee Myung‑bak.
First proposed by previous president Roh Moo‑hyun, the FTA has met considerable resistance in
Proponents of
the agreement argue that previous FTAs with
Naturally,
certain sectors of business would do well with a free trade pact in effect. But
these are large industries and firms which already have enormous power. Free
trade agreements are by nature designed to benefit these masters of monopoly
capitalism in the countries concerned, and certainly so for the senior economic
partner in the arrangement. That benefit comes at the expense of working people
on both sides, a fact which is not lost on the many people who regularly
protest FTAs. In recent weeks, thousands of South
Koreans have taken to the streets to challenge the ratification.
In the first
week of October, over 6000 farmers gathered in
Anti‑FTA
Korean-Americans also protested President Lee in
That includes
the construction of the new
President Lee
and his Grand National Party seem poised to railroad the ratification of the
FTA through the South Korean national assembly by the end of October. According
to the Hankyoreh
daily, opposition to the FTA is the glue that holds the opposition parties
together at present. Given that the GNP has almost 60% of the seats, the
opposition will ultimately have little choice in the matter. There have been
some threats of physically blocking GNP access to the assembly, but that will
only delay the inevitable.
It remains to
be seen whether anything quite like the "occupy" movement will take
off here, but it will undoubtedly take more than that to break the power of
imperialism's cronies in this country.
13)
By T. Sam
It didn't
take long before rumours regarding the Iranian
governing system were confirmed by the "Supreme Religious Leader,"
Ayatollah Ali Khameini. On October 17, in a speech in
There has
always been an extreme right-wing religious section within the regime who
oppose the presidential system. According to the Iranian constitution, most
power is vested in the "Supreme Religious Leader" elected by the
so-called "Majles‑e‑Khobregan"
(Assembly of Experts), a group of high ranking clergy.
By
comparison, the president is only second rank in power. However, the president
has responsibilities, which makes this position important within the governing
system. But any time the "Supreme Leader" desires, he can overrule
the president, even the Assembly, by a "State Order."
From the
early days of the revolution in February 1979, there were strong
anti-democratic sections within the ruling circles. Both because of their
religious beliefs and also their reactionary nature, they did all in their
power to hinder the democratization of the revolution, especially of the
governance process. Afraid to oppose the presidential system directly, they
emptied the system of its real nature by imposing the non‑elected
position of the "Supreme Religious Leader".
In recent
years, after ousting more democratic and oppositional sections from the ruling
circles, these forces are now able to show their real intentions. In general,
according to the leaders of these circles, especially ultra‑conservative
Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi, the
presidential system is anti‑Islamic and must be completely eliminated. Yazdi was once confronted with the question that if this
system is anti‑Islamic, why didn't Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the
revolution, oppose it? He replied: Ayatollah Khomeini at the time was forced to
agree with the presidential system.
Of course,
this is not the only reason why Khameini has decided
to do away with the presidency. Until 1997, when Mohammad Khatami
won by a wide margin against the candidate of the "Supreme Leader",
the conservatives felt confident that their favourite
would be elected. Since then, every presidential election has turned into a
nightmare for the regime. Only through fraud can they can have any hope of
victory. In the May 2009 election, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won by vote rigging.
Now, after
all the devastating policies implemented by the regime, even its most ardent
protagonists know they have no chance of victory. But completely eliminating
presidential elections - even fraudulent ones - would cost the regime a
powerful means to raise the morale of its followers, and further reduce their
numbers.
It is more
likely that the leaders would not totally eliminate the president's position,
but instead transfer his responsibilities to a prime minister elected by the Majles. In this case they can hold an election every four
years to boost the low spirits of their followers, and at the same time to make
sure "their" prime minister does whatever they want.
The formation
of the "Committee to Observe the Action of the Members of the
Assembly" is another sign that the regime is on the fast track to close
all the pores in its dictatorial system. According to this law, all members of
the Assembly are under the watchful eyes of this "Committee". Any
actions or words which do not coincide with the line of the "Supreme
Leader" could have serious consequences, including losing their status as
members of the Assembly. Every candidate who runs for the Assembly must be
ratified by a 12-member Guardian Council, half of whom are clergy assigned by
the "Supreme Leader."
The
intensification of suppression in
14) WHO NEEDS PHILOSOPHY, ANYWAY?
"Marxist Theory" column, by
Johan Boyden, general secretary of the Young Communist League of
Philosophy...
Do youth and student activists, and progressive‑minded young people in
general, need a philosophical approach to their struggles in the movement?
Put the
question a more practical and concrete way. Can we understand exploitation,
oppression and class, the conflict of "the 99 and 1 percent," without
knowing what is a contradiction?
Marxist
philosophy seeks to understand the world as it really is, and to change it.
There are two interrelated elements involved ‑ the need to understand the
world as it really is (materialism), and the need to understand this material
world as one of interconnected change and development, of universal conflict
and contradiction between what is old and dying, and what is new and struggling
to be born. It's an approach Marxists call dialectical.
When I was a
student activist, before I joined the Young Communist League, I thought of
philosophy as something abstract, complex, and difficult. And of course,
philosophy can be all of this.
Capitalism
pushes to make learning and education elitist and inaccessible for the majority
of people. To make liberation just that step harder. Plus, the subject matter
is difficult. Many philosophers, often living off the dime of the ancient lord,
have reflected needs and principles of the powerful. To be sure, not all of
them. But today, most academic philosophers side with the boss. Their
philosophy seems remote from our real life.
On the other
hand, whether it is particularly well understood or not, ideas like
"people are basically evil", "the more things change, the more
they stay the same", "God rewards", or "life sucks and then
you die" are all philosophical.
Widely held
philosophical world outlooks have existed for time immemorial in what is now
Canada, going back to Aboriginal peoples (the ideas of the Six Nations about
democracy influenced Ben Franklin and the American revolutionaries, as well as
the first Marxists like Engels).
I would say
everybody, young and old, has a philosophy whether they are aware of it or not.
So we can
distinguish between two kinds of philosophy: The different philosophies people
have (ways of looking at the world and understanding it in general terms), and
abstract philosophy conceived by professional philosophers, many of whom served
the boss.
Can you blame
youth activists for having nothing but contempt for such philosophy, so elitist,
so complex, an off‑ramp from struggle into arm‑chair debate?
Nowadays
being a young person in
It's natural
that a great many youth reject this dominant ideology, condemn the obvious
immorality of corporate power and even capitalism, and gravitate to the side of
the people's struggle and working class politics.
A commendable
sense of impatience propels the youth movement. Change must be now. Action must
be concrete. Tactics should be direct. Common slogans bravely announce total,
radical opposition ‑ anti‑racism, anti‑G20, anti‑capitalism.
Tactics are
primary. We've got to do something! Action speaks louder than words! (Never
mind that words can also be action ‑ sexist slurs, for example). But
after a while, most youth involved in struggle recognize a collection of
specific tactics aren't enough. A broader strategy is needed, which requires
more general analysis and theory, and with that ‑ philosophical
assumptions.
Dialectical
materialist philosophy, when practically applied to the concrete study of
conditions, is a guide to theory which, in turn, is a guide to action. It does not
provide answers, but helps us ask the right questions, find what causes to look
for, and grasp the particular links.
Strictly
speaking, purely spontaneous action that doesn't involve any form of thinking
is not possible. Regardless of whether it is at the front of our mind or not,
all theory is rooted in philosophy, some overall view of the world.
You don't
need to look far on the internet to find eclectic philosophers, young and old.
Many dislike science and prefer more of a hodgepodge of critical ideas. Many
have little practical activity. Some use Marxist jargon. Others would say
"into the hot frying pan of struggle, pour in the philosophical oil of
common sense or science, mix‑in three cups of different radical, critical
theory of society (from the smorgasbord of ideas about oppression), add a
spoonful of scepticism for seasoning and pragmatism,
according to taste."
Aren't these
good enough recipes?
Truthfully,
no. And this debate is not insignificant. Just like bad cooking can lead to
food poisoning, politics and action based on false or inadequate philosophy can
only lead to defeat and despair. Even if people hit on a correct policy, unless
the philosophical basis of our policy is also correct, we will make serious
mistakes in carrying it through.
Most youth
activists rely on a kind of gut feeling for that philosophical basis.
"Common‑sense," however, is notorious for being deceptive. Is
it common‑sense that water is composed of two highly flammable gases?
Common‑sense used to say the earth was flat.
Neither is
science alone adequate. Scientific knowledge and methodology changed radically
from Galileo to Curie to Hawkins. And while science can understand reality,
since reality is infinite, the knowledge learned from experiment is never
complete.
Skeptical
youth activists may be drawn to rejecting anything that presents itself as
truth, but whatever thinking we do operates on the basis of general
conclusions. While we can seek to wish‑away philosophy, the problems
posed will remain.
In this
sense, constructing a theory is like constructing a house; not only must the
walls be sound, but also the foundations. For people who want to change the
world, that means a philosophy with a revolutionary class outlook, or dialectical
materialism.
This article draws on and expands ideas from Philosophy and Class Struggle
(South Africa, 1987) by Dialego.
15) MUSIC
NOTES, by Wally Brooker
Musicians
and occupiers
From the famous and the semi‑famous
to the unknown and home‑made, musicians everywhere are supporting the
occupations of financial districts in hundreds of cities around the world.
Newly-minted citizen‑drummers beat on plastic buckets and water cooler
bottles. Grassroots percussion collectives inspired by
Raffi calls for "systemic change"
Raffi Cavoukian, one of the world's most popular
children's entertainers, has offered a ringing endorsement of the occupy
movement spreading around the globe, calling for "systemic change for the
children who are inheriting a very perilous future." Interviewed at his
home on
Hank
Williams Jr's bigoted remarks
Country music star and Tea Party
supporter Hank Williams Jr., has been making a spectacle of himself. Appearing
on a Fox News program on Oct. 3, the 62 year‑old singer compared the
first African‑American President of the
AFM fights
orchestra "bankruptcies"
Orchestra musicians are under attack
by managements using a new "weapon du jour," writes American
Federation of Musicians President Ray Hair in the September issue of
International Musician. Brother Hair refers to the wave of orchestra bankruptcy
filings (in
Francey & Keelaghan
in Our Times
Halifax‑based journalist Melissa
Keith has published a fascinating profile of David Francey
and James Keelaghan, two of Canada's finest working‑class
singer‑songwriters, in the independent labour
magazine Our Times. Both
musicians are powerful writers with an ability to evoke the daily life and
struggles of Canadian workers. Scottish‑born Francey,
a 57 year‑old carpenter, is a two‑time Juno winner. If you're new
to him check out Torn Screen Door,
a moving song about a foreclosed and abandoned farm. Keelaghan,
a 52 year‑old native of Calgary, is also a Juno recipient. A good
beginning might be his important labour history song Hillcrest Mine. Both songs can be
found on YouTube. Our Times,
which carries a lot of working‑class cultural content these days, will
celebrate its 30th anniversary on Dec. 3 with a bash at
16) OLIVER
STONE'S SEARCH FOR THE REAL FIDEL
Looking for Fidel, directed by Oliver
Stone, Cinema Libre Studio, 2011, 60 minutes, DVD
review by Tim Pelzer
In Looking for Fidel, award winning
director Oliver Stone interviews Fidel Castro on a wide range of issues. While
the discussion took place in 2003 before Castro stepped down as President for
health reasons, the documentary is still informative and thought provoking.
Castro
garnered global respect as a principal founder of the first socialist state in
the Caribbean, 90 miles off the
Stone begins
by grilling Castro on the treatment of dissidents. In 2003, the Cuban
government arrested, tried and imprisoned 75 anti‑government activists.
Castro indicates that he does not have any problems with criticism of the Cuban
government, which does not have a policy of harassing its critics. But these
activists are "mercenaries," not prisoners of conscience, financially
supported by groups such as the
The film
includes interviews with anti‑government activists in
Castro shows
pictures of these dissidents meeting with the US ambassador, who remarks that
he was supplying them with electronic equipment and money. Stone includes news
clips of US-sponsored terrorist attacks against the island.
Stone takes
Castro to task for the execution of three hijackers who kidnapped a ferry in
Havana harbour in 2003, and threatened passengers at
knife point if the captain of the vessel did not take them to US shores. Castro
says the executions were an extreme measure to discourage a wave of
kidnappings. Residency is granted to any Cuban citizen who reaches the
The Cuban
leader even takes Stone to a prison to meet a group of eight men awaiting trial
after being caught plotting to kidnap a plane to
Stone asks
Castro why he did not step down after being President for 43 years, and let
younger leaders take over. Fidel answers calmly that he sees himself more as a
spiritual leader, and that unlike US Presidents, the country's constitution
strictly limits his powers. Castro is not President of the country, but rather
President of the Council of Ministers. He does not even have the power to
appoint Cabinet Ministers, Ambassadors or friends to key posts. He believes he
can assist his country because of the experience and knowledge he has gained
over many years. Castro never angers at Stone's probing questions.
The
documentary ends with Castro taking Stone around
Looking for Fidel provides needed balance to the
negative portrayal of the former Cuban president, who is demonized by the
mainstream corporate media. Stone's documentary is a fascinating watch.
COPE
Election Office, now
open at 585 E. Broadway. To volunteer
for the campaign, drop in or call 604-255-0400.
Left
Film Night, screening of “Will the Real
Terrorist Please Stand Up,” 7 pm, Sun., Oct. 30, Centre for Socialist
Education,
Solidarity
with Palestine,
join Canadian Boat to Gaza with banners, signs, and CBG kayak for walk around
Granville Island, Sun., Oct. 30, 1 pm, meet at entrance under the bridge. For info,
604-366-4225.
Revolution
Banquet: From the Russian Revolution to
Michael
Parenti Forum, Thur., Nov. 3, 7 pm,
Cuba
and Haiti, Wed.,
Nov. 2, 7 pm, forum with Cuban Dr. Jorge Balseiro on
his experiences providing medical aid in
Michael
Parenti Forum, Wed. Nov. 2, 5:30 pm, McKinnon Arts Bldg.,
Michael
Parenti forum, hear the author of The Face of Imperialism, Tue., Nov. 1, 7
pm. CHANGED LOCATION: MacLeod Auditorium, 1 King’s College Circle, (west
of Queen’s Park), admission $10, ausp. People’s
Voice.
Celebrate
the Communist Party’s 90th Anniversary, Sat., Nov. 26, dinner and cultural evening, tickets and info at
CPC office, 426-469-2446. See next issue for further details.
Palestinians
And Jews United, boycott/disinvestment/sanctions picket, every Saturday, 1-3
pm, outside Israeli shoe store “NAOT”,