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| Theoretical and Discussion Bulletin of the
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The Spark!
The
latest issue of The Spark! theoretical journal, is now on sale for $5 at Communist Party offices (see p. 8) or People’s Co-op Books, 1391 Commercial Drive, Vancouver.
Articles
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(Contents)
(Home)
1) LABOUR DAY
2009: TIME FOR ANGER AND ACTION
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
Labour Day
Statement from the Central Executive Committee, Communist Party of
Canada
We are approaching the first anniversary of the greatest financial
crisis the capitalist system has given us since the 1930s. The 46% of
the hundreds of thousands of unemployed who qualified for Employment
Insurance will soon join the 54% who were outright cheated of
entitlement. The time for an angry and militant movement for redress is
long overdue. It is quite possible that their anger will be the only
source of heat some Canadian families will have this winter.
The great depression of the 1930s spawned the growth of a new militancy
and maturity, which gave birth to the CIO and the rise of industrial
labour battles fought out into the 1960s and only checked by the
imposition of McCarthyism and anti‑communism.
The second largest crisis, in which we are deeply involved, may well be
the beginning of a perhaps even larger "great depression." After almost
eight decades, this time with an established labour movement
representing about 32% of the Canadian working class, we are on the
threshold of major struggle. The need for this struggle has been thrust
upon us not only by the inborn contradictions of a social system that
has matured in its imperialist stage into social rigor mortis, but by
three decades of relentless neo‑liberal attack, reduced social programs
and stagnating wages.
Big business was forced to yield some important concessions to labour's
economic and social demands following WWII, both because they could
afford it due to high and relatively uninterrupted growth, and out of
fear that the social programs in the socialist world were attracting
support for socialism among workers in the "West". But when growth
inevitably slowed and the rate of profit plunged, capital launched a
counter‑offensive against labour and intensified its Cold War against
the socialist states.
Across the 60's and 70's, Canada was one of the world's leaders in
production hours lost due to strike action. Capitalism answered with
the neo‑liberal agenda of Reagan and Thatcher. This meant deregulated
markets and workplaces, sweeping privatization, imposed fiscal
austerity, trade agreements to allow unfettered capital flow across
borders, and erosion of sovereignty in second rate capitalist states
and the third world. The super-profits accumulated in this transfer of
wealth were less and less reinvested into the real economy, which was
already suffering from surplus production and shrinking consumer
markets caused by rising unemployment and diminishing wages. Instead,
the super-profits were pumped into the casino world of financial
adventurism where money itself became a commodity, as did its flip
side, debt. This aggravated the built‑in cyclical crisis into a major
implosion that has created a hemorrhage of job loss, industrial
destruction, and shrinking domestic markets.
Canadian Labour has been wrestling with the offensive for decades. So
far, the score card between resistance and compliance is heavily
weighted towards compliance, with some notable exceptions, mainly from
the public sector. Under the guise of "labour flexibility" (speed‑up
and increased output), the pressure of mounting unemployment (cheap or
desperate labour reserves), transfer of production to third world cheap
wage zones (NAFTA, IMF), the demand for two‑tier bargaining and defined
contribution pension plans, the labour movement in the private (and
especially industrial) sector quietly slipped into concession
bargaining. It was minimal at first but quickly accelerated into a real
threat once the corporations got a taste of blood. There were also
co-management schemes to help employers compete more effectively
against our own brothers and sisters employed elsewhere, and "voluntary
recognition agreements" to gain members by giving up the right to
strike.
Concurrently during the same period were the Ontario Days of Action,
the Ontario teachers strike, the BC Health Workers militant struggles,
and the BC Teachers strike that compelled the Campbell Liberals to
negotiate. The workers at CN Rail mounted a very militant strike that
was inconclusive due to weak leadership and a raid by the Teamsters.
There were other smaller struggles across Canada and Quebec. The
workers were far from passive. The CAW experimented with concessions,
but was also the most militant in the "Days of Action" and other street
level solidarity and resistance skirmishes.
Since the advent of the financial crisis, the attack has escalated. The
Harper Tories have injected massive amounts of capital into the banks
and auto companies while joining the corporations to demand major
give‑backs from the embattled CAW as a condition for the capital
injection. While fighting a weighted media battle to point out that the
workers were not responsible for the crisis, the CAW was left to face
their antagonists almost alone. The attack on the CAW was the
"softening up" formula for application against organized labour
everywhere, witness the attack on CUPE in the recent Windsor and
Toronto civic strikes, and the attack on Steelworkers in Sudbury,
Voisey's Bay and Port Colborne.
The demands being made on workers will negatively affect their future
quality of life for generations. Summed up they are: if you want to eke
out an existence today you must sell out the youth and the future. Two
tier wages, benefits, pensions, contracting out, and individual
contracts instead of collective bargaining. After wringing these
take‑backs out of the workers, the bosses say "for this, we promise
nothing." It is painfully and increasingly clear that traditional
strategies and tactics in collective bargaining are inadequate.
The assault on the anti‑capitalist left carried out after the Second
World War and throughout the remaining 20th century was precisely to
set the stage for the disorientation of labour. There has not been the
urgency or anger from the leadership of the trade unions that one would
expect when hundreds of thousands of working people are being
disenfranchised and impoverished. The anger of industrial workers could
be seen in Oshawa and Windsor and in many small strikes across the
land, but disorientation has been there also. That is perhaps
inevitable for a short time because of the immensity of the attack and
the shock of not having a "Plan B." Such a plan must recognize the
cause of our misery - the "for profit only" imperialist system - and
the need to control and destroy it. Imperialism is just capitalism in
its old age. It has lived far too long and has nothing to offer working
people but more of the same. Those who want to patch the system up and
make it work are really helping it to exploit us, and aiding its
ability to wage war and extract plunder.
There is a need to redevelop the labour left and recapture the ideology
of resistance. But it does not necessarily follow that there should be
an attack on leadership or abandonment of the need for labour unity. In
fact, the struggle for labour unity is a struggle to turn leadership in
the direction of resistance, to support the best elements and develop
allies for them. This is a struggle to turn leadership away from
business trade unionism, with its raiding, deal making, collaboration
and narrow social vision. If leadership refuses to struggle on behalf
of its own members, and to take up the fight for the people on a
broader front, selflessly representing our entire class, then they
should step aside and let others lead. The role of the left is to fight
for unity in action around the concrete needs of people, to show how
this is a historical struggle that requires scientific analyses and
practical experience, looking for any and all possibilities to forge
unity and gain experience. The struggle itself will expose sellout and
opportunism within our ranks by those who would make unity impossible
by the pursuit of their own selfish agendas.
A resurgence of the left, expressed in a renewed labour fightback, will
of necessity reach out to the social justice movements and make serious
demands on politicians and their parties. There must be the election of
more progressive representatives to Parliament, including Communists.
The fight must be taken from the streets, the farms and the workplaces
into Parliament, into the very instrument of the capitalist class.
There can be no peace without justice and no justice without struggle.
This litmus test should be rigorously applied to political parties
claiming to be "friends" of Labour, such as the New Democrats and the
Liberals. Let all parties and their representatives be viewed and
judged by the people. Let us see who owns democracy in Canada.
There is a world of difference between sellout and making mistakes, so
we should choose our words wisely. Making mistakes is not a crime.
Repeating them endlessly is. We need a strong debate in the working
class and in particular in organized labour. Sharp debate, unity in
action and uncompromising dedication are needed. We admire this in Hugo
Chavez and Fidel Castro, who live amongst us. We make legends of our
deceased heroes and heroines for these qualities. Why not look around
us, why not look in our workplaces, our unions and our families? Why
not look at ourselves. We can do this. Are we lesser than our parents
and grandparents?
2) "ECONOMY STILL
IN FREE-FALL"
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
Canadian Labour
Congress chief economist Andrew Jackson says the StatsCanada job
numbers for July 2009 "are a clear sign that, far from entering a
recovery, the Canadian economy is still in free‑fall. While the
national unemployment rate remained unchanged in July at 8.6%, this was
only because 53,000 workers gave up the fruitless search for jobs and
dropped out of the labour force. The participation rate fell sharply,
from 67.5% to 67.2%, the largest monthly decline we have seen since the
recession began. "We lost another 45,000
jobs in July, but the picture is much worse on closer examination.
There were 79,000 fewer workers in paid jobs compared to June, while
self‑employment rose by 35,000. This was on top of another big jump in
self‑employment of 37,000 last month. Put it all together and the
picture is of large losses in paid jobs, with the impact on the
headline unemployment rate cushioned by workers giving up the search
for jobs or turning to self‑employment.
"The impact of the recession has spread decisively to women. There were
22,000 fewer adult women (aged 25 and over) working in July compared to
June, and another 31,000 adult women dropped out of the labour force.
"The figures suggest little impact to date from the federal
government's stimulus package. We lost 18,000 construction jobs in
July, bringing the total loss in this sector since October to 120,000
or 9.6%. The unemployment rate for students in July was 20.9%."
3) THE STRANDED
CANADIANS
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
People's
Voice
Editorial, Sept. 1-15, 2009
The Harper Tories
appear to believe that treating Canadian passports as irrelevant scraps
of paper will bolster their electoral support among racist, ultra-right
forces. This dangerous strategy must be challenged at every opportunity.
Canadian citizen Suaad Hagi Mohamud was left stranded and sick in Kenya
for three months. Her passport was voided by Canadian officials
following a bizarre decision by airline staff in Nairobi to prevent her
from boarding a flight home. It took enormous public pressure to compel
the government to allow her return to Canada, even after a DNA test
confirmed her identity.
This is just the latest case in which the Tories refuse to lift a
finger to aid Canadians stranded overseas. Despite having a plane
ticket to fly home to Montreal, Abousfian Abdelrazik was trapped for
over a year at Canada's embassy in Sudan by the government's refusal to
issue him a passport. International police agencies agreed that
Abdelrazik was not a security threat, and the courts ordered his
return, but the Tories stubbornly hinted at unexplained "reasons" to
deny his rights as a citizen.
The worst scandal remains the case of Omar Khadr, the child soldier who
is the last remaining citizen of a western "democracy" still jailed
without cause at the US torture camp in Guantanamo Bay. The Federal
Court of Appeal has just upheld a lower ruling ordering Khadr's
repatriation, but PM Harper has signalled that this decision will be
appealed.
What links these cases is the ethnic and religious character of such
abandoned Canadians. The Harper Tories are engaged in a dirty racist
campaign, demonizing minority groups to whip up hatred. For pro-fascist
elements of the Harper regime, depriving racialized communities of
their citizenship rights is an important step towards a more
far-ranging attack on all civil liberties. We must not allow this
minority government - led by men who are deeply committed to selling
out Canada to US imperialism - to succeed in this deadly game.
4) A TRIPLE-U
"RECOVERY"?
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
People's
Voice
Editorial, Sept. 1-15, 2009
Claims that the
global economic crisis has "turned the corner" are based on reports of
minor increases in GDP in some countries, an upturn in stock markets
since last March, higher profits for some sectors of big capital, etc.
These temporary indicators please the very wealthy. But they also hint
at the next round of the crisis. Here in Canada, for example, EI
benefits will soon expire for hundreds of thousands of workers laid off
over the past year, giving a body blow to purchasing power.
The private property system faces a fundamental contradiction: far from
averting crises, vast increases in wealth, particularly if ownership is
concentrated among the capitalists themselves, only make the inevitable
crash more resounding. A recent study found that by 2007, the
wealthiest 10 percent of Americans took home a larger share of their
country's total income ‑ 50 percent ‑ than during the "Roaring
Twenties." One does not require a degree in economics to recall that
the inequality records chalked up during the 1920s laid the groundwork
for the greatest collapse in capitalist history.
Norbert Walter, chief economist of Germany's influential Deutsche Bank,
recently told CNBC that many countries face difficult financial
problems which could push the world economy downwards "not once but two
more times in the near future... Some of us are already talking about a
W‑shaped recovery. I'd probably talk about a triple‑U‑shaped recovery
because there are so many stumbling blocks here to get out of this. The
world is in trouble."
Starving the working class will not solve this crisis. Only a dramatic
and fundamental shift towards genuine people's policies - less
capitalism and more socialism - can begin to tackle the myriad of
problems created by the global capitalist system.
5) LAYTON SILENT
ON "TROOPS OUT NOW" DEMAND
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
By Kimball Cariou
For several years,
opinion polls have consistently shown that Canadians oppose the
military mission in Afghanistan. The numbers vary, but the message is
clear - a solid majority of voters want the troops home, now or in the
near future.
Unfortunately, this view is rarely expressed by members of Parliament,
which weakens the ability of the anti-war movement to mobilize larger
numbers of people in the streets. Even the New Democratic Party has
stopped raising the "troops out now" demand.
This crucial issue has been the subject of some hot email debates in
British Columbia, following a recent press release on the war from NDP
leader Jack Layton.
Once derided as "Taliban Jack" by jingoistic right-wing media and Tory
MPs, Layton used to couple his condolences to the families of Canadian
troops killed in Afghanistan with a reminder that these deaths
underlined the need to end the military mission.
The NDP even tried to stake out a formal position as the strongest
anti-war party in Parliament during the 2007 debate over a Liberal
resolution calling for an end to the mission by February 2009. Layton
and his caucus joined with Harper's Tories in voting down the
resolution. Instead, the NDP put forward a motion demanding that the
troops be brought back to Canada immediately. The NDP motion was
defeated, allowing the minority Harper government a free hand to extend
the mission to the end of 2011.
This failed tactic ignited widespread criticism within the anti-war
movement. As present casualty rates, the extension of the military
mission will cost the lives of perhaps a hundred Canadian soldiers.
Even worse, the official (and far from complete) figures of civilian
casualties in Afghanistan from NATO bombing raids are in the range of
6,000 per year. It's no exaggeration to state that our ongoing role in
this US-led nightmare means that Canada's hands will be covered in
blood for nearly three extra years. A terrible price to pay for any
fleeting electoral advantage gained by the NDP leadership's attempt to
portray itself as the "real" anti-war party!
Since that time, the Canadian Armed Forces, the Harper government, and
pro-war elements of the corporate media have launched a furious
propaganda campaign to build support for the war - a huge advertising
blitz, military participation in every major sporting event, displays
at hundreds of community activities, and so forth. This effort has not
reversed public opinion about the war, but it has created a climate in
which open criticism of the military mission is perceived by many as
"unpatriotic."
Apparently in response, Jack Layton has shifted gears, doing his best
to appeal to pro-military forces. Those who doubt this should check out
the NDP's website and Layton's Twitter messages.
The latest example came when the NDP announced that Layton would board
the HMCS
Halifax for
an overnight stay on August 6-7 "to meet the ship's crew and observe a
demonstration of naval operations."
"I relish this opportunity to spend time with our troops and really get
to understand the job they are doing day to day," said Layton. "It is
not an easy job, but it is a very important one. I am happy to have
this chance to show my support."
As one Vancouver anti-war activist responded by email, "Every time a
Canadian soldier is killed, Jack Layton issues a press release that
makes no mention of the party's policy of demanding the troops be
brought home... Now, with the party convention coming up in Halifax,
this press release announces Layton's sleepover on a navy ship. Will
the convention ratify the party's apparent dropping of its opposition
to the war?"
I reposted the news release and a cynical comment to a couple of local
lists, which brought this furious reply from one NDPer who is also
involved in anti-war movements: "What
utter crap.... You are way out of line. Layton has a duty to speak and
listen to all Canadians. Visiting our military does not mean that
either he or the NDP have given up speaking out for peace. Many of our
military question our role in Afghanistan, but like any other employee
cannot speak out against their bosses. They are not evil..."
In reply, I wrote: "This is an urgent question for the anti-war
movement, regardless of our various political affiliations. I'm sure
we're all interested to hear what Jack Layton has to say on this
issue... The unfortunate problem is that it has been many months since
he explicitly called for bringing the troops home. My combing through
the federal NDP news releases finds nothing like this since October
2008, and even then it was very qualified...
"I should also point out that among these dozens of news releases and
statements, some are quite positive from our perspective, such as those
in support of the war resisters, or Layton's position for a negotiated
political settlement of the war...
"But there is also much which falls short. Layton's most recent
detailed statement is from March 16, 2009, in which he said (among much
more): `Our skills and reputation as a peacemaker give Canada the basis
for an active role after our troops withdraw in 2011.' In the same
statement, praising President Obama's new Afghanistan troop surge
strategy, he said, `We've come a long way since the first voices in our
country called for a new role for Canada in Afghanistan.
Internationally and in Canada, we are seeing a new will emerging to
turn the page and begin a more balanced policy toward Afghanistan. Gone
are the name calling and the overheated rhetoric. Gone is the
questioning of support for our troops.'
"...It appears to me that Layton is putting a very high priority on
being seen in the media as `supportive of the troops'. That impression
is strengthened by his regular statements expressing condolences to the
families of Canadian soldiers killed in Afghanistan. These statements
always refer to these members of the Armed Forces as having `died in
the service of their country' or a similar sentiment.
"I agree that Jack Layton has a duty to spend time with members of the
Canadian Forces. We all share his sorrow for these tragic deaths. As
anti‑war activists, we feel an even sharper pain whenever we hear of
NATO forces killing Afghan civilians. But in my view, Canadian soldiers
are not dying in the service of our country or any other. These deaths
are tragic in part because they accomplish absolutely nothing positive.
They are dying in the service of US imperialism and the energy
transnationals which are aiming to carve up central Asia for
their bloated profits. Jack Layton has his reasons for presenting the
matter differently. But those of us in the anti‑war movement should
focus on exposing the truly vicious, fascist, predatory nature of this
war...
"I don't know what Jack Layton tells the troops when he spends time
with them. If he tells them this war is a disaster for both Canada and
Afghanistan, and that their sacrifices are a complete waste of blood
and courage and tears and dollars, more power to him. But that's not
what the NDP media releases are saying these days. And that weakness
hurts the entire anti‑war movement, since we are effectively left with
very few strong voices in Parliament."
The sad fact is that Jack Layton and the NDP barely mention the
Afghanistan war these days, and certainly do not raise the "troops out"
demand in any significant way. It's also appalling to read their
position on Israel/Palestine, which is simply to assign equal blame to
each side, rather than to acknowledge that the brutal and illegal
Israeli of Palestinian territories is the root cause of this conflict.
Frankly, by pandering to pro‑war forces in Canadian society, including
the rah‑rah corporate media, the NDP is rapidly losing credibility in
the anti‑war movement. NDP MPs still occasionally speak at anti-war
events, but who can recall the last time the NDP made a real effort to
mobilize its considerable membership to help build such protests?
Today, Canadians face increasing pressure from the US-dominated NATO
war machine to extend our military's role in Afghanistan beyond 2011.
Will Jack Layton and the NDP limit their statements to bland calls for
a "more balanced" Canadian policy? Or will they respond by demanding an
immediate end to this inglorious chapter in Canadian foreign policy?
Watching the NDP convention in Halifax in mid-August, it appeared that
the war was mostly kept off the agenda. That leaves us heading into a
possible federal election with none of the parties in Parliament
willing to present the views of the majority of Canadians on one of the
most crucial issues of our times.
(People's Voice editor Kimball Cariou represents the Communist Party of
Canada at meetings of Vancouver's StopWar coalition.)
6) FREE TRADE
SELLOUT BY MANITOBA NDP
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
By
Darrell Rankin
As the economic
crisis drives millions deeper into poverty, the Manitoba NDP is
strengthening the same policies that led to the debacle in the first
place. At a recent meeting in Regina, provincial premiers pledged
support for "a broad reciprocal procurement liberalization agreement
with the United States."
According to the Winnipeg Free Press
(Aug. 11), local business leaders
fully support NDP Premier Gary Doer and his concessions on free trade.
Doer now supports reducing interprovincial trade barriers and was eager
to list the many areas where all (yes, all) restrictions on bidding
were removed during his mandate.
NAFTA is being re‑negotiated in the wrong direction, removing
protections put in place by local governments that have been in place
for many generations. It will wipe out local businesses on both sides
of the border, hand greater monopoly power to the giant, mainly U.S.
transnationals, and undermine Canadian sovereignty.
Far from being a solution to the present economic crisis, removing
existing trade barriers (as opposed to building new ones in the name of
"protectionism") is the response one might expect from someone being
bullied into submission.
U.S. imperialism is busy erecting new barriers not so much as a
defensive measure (because of the U.S. economy's size), but as a weapon
to force spineless Canadian premiers to drop their economic defences,
selling out Canada in the process.
The new NDP Premier from Nova Scotia, Darrell Dexter, was also at the
premiers' meeting. What a shameful meeting Doer and Dexter had in
Regina, the founding home of the CCF‑NDP.
(Darrell Rankin is the Manitoba
Leader of the Communist Party of
Canada.)
7) BEWARE OF
"RECOGNITION AND RECONCILIATION ACT"
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
By
Arthur Manuel,
reprinted from the Georgia Straight
Premier Gordon
Campbell is trying to use the proposed British Columbia Recognition and
Reconciliation Act to overcome the economic uncertainty that B.C. has
been experiencing since the Supreme Court of Canada recognized
aboriginal title. Aboriginal title is an exclusive property right of
indigenous peoples. This is the Achilles' heel of B.C., as the
provincially created property rights, like fee simple or forestry
tenures and mining leases, are put in question because they fail to
take into account aboriginal title.
Aboriginal title could even operate to oust provincial control over
lands and resources, so what the province is really seeking through the
proposed act is recognition of Crown title by indigenous peoples.
The much advertised recognition of aboriginal title is contingent upon
recognition of provincial Crown title in return. This position has
historically been rejected by indigenous peoples insisting that their
relationship is with the federal Crown and not with lower levels of
government. The Gordon Campbell strategy is to plug the "First Nations
leadership council" ‑ consisting of the executives of the B.C. Assembly
of First Nations, the First Nations Summit, and the Union of B.C.
Indian Chiefs ‑ into existing provincial government business schemes.
The result will be benefit-sharing agreements under existing provincial
resource law. This will undermine aboriginal title and indigenous
efforts to protect the environment from increased resource exploitation.
This has created a backlash against the First Nations leadership
council, headed by Grand Chief Ed John, Grand Chief Stewart Phillip,
and Assembly of First Nations B.C. regional chief Shawn Atleo (who was
elected AFN national chief on July 23). There has been a groundswell of
opposition by indigenous peoples to the Recognition and Reconciliation
Act at regional sessions around the province. The chiefs' council of
the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs even defeated a resolution to allow
further work on the act.
Indigenous peoples collectively are the proper title and rights holder.
Aboriginal title over entire territories is held by indigenous nations
with a common language, customs, traditions, and history. The people
have made it very clear that the First Nations leadership council and
the federal Indian Act chiefs and councils are not the proper title and
rights holders and have no right to negotiate about aboriginal title
with Campbell. From an indigenous perspective, the proposed Recognition
and Reconciliation Act does not recognize aboriginal title. It is an
attempt to secure increased corporate access to our territories. It is
also a major public‑relations campaign in the lead‑up to the 2010
Winter Olympics so the government can pretend it is dealing with
indigenous issues. Canada and B.C. have been criticized by
international human‑rights bodies for their failure to address
indigenous rights, and we will continue to raise this.
The economic uncertainty that B.C. has been experiencing by not
resolving the indigenous land question should not be underestimated.
Since the judicial recognition of aboriginal title, the province has
had to report it as a contingent liability in the B.C. financial
statements every year. The government has been pointing to the B.C.
treaty process as its mechanism for extinguishing aboriginal title. The
B.C. treaty process is a major failure, given that it only produced two
small treaties after the government negotiated for more than 15 years
and spent over $1.5 billion.
Indigenous peoples are worried about economic certainty too, but we
want economic certainty based on the full and true recognition of our
aboriginal title. We want to build a new economy that values indigenous
knowledge and our relationship to the land. The failure of the B.C.
treaty process and community‑level opposition to the proposed
Recognition and Reconciliation Act indicate that indigenous peoples
want to be on an equal footing with the provincial government.
Indigenous peoples do not want to continue subsidizing the B.C.
government and corporations by having aboriginal title not recognized
or marginalized, as under the proposed act.
What happens to the British Columbia Recognition and Reconciliation Act
over the next few months will determine if Campbell gets economic
certainty at the expense of indigenous peoples.
- Former Neskonlith chief Arthur
Manuel is spokesperson for the
Indigenous Network on Economies and Trade.
8) HST REVOLT
STUNS CAMPBELL LIBERALS
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
PV
Vancouver Bureau
A tidal wave of
public anger threatens to swamp the newly re-elected Campbell Liberals
over their decision to impose a "Harmonised Sales Tax" on the province.
Polling by the Ipsos Reid survey firm indicates that 85% of British
Columbians oppose the tax, which will add seven percent to the current
5% provincial sales tax on most goods and services on July 1, 2010. The
move will impose an estimated $1.9 billion on consumers per year, with
the funds going to big business rather than health care, education, or
social services. The province will receive $1.6 billion from the
federal government for taking this step, but these funds are not tied
to any form of spending.
Many British Columbians are furious that this enormous tax grab was
announced in early summer, just weeks after an election campaign in
which the Liberals denied any intention to enact the HST. This tactic
has motivated thousands to join anti-HST Facebook groups; the largest,
initiated by political commentator Bill Tieleman, had topped 90,000
members as of August 17.
Two major rallies will measure the ability of this campaign to move
people into the streets. The first is set for the Legislature in
Victoria at noon on Tuesday, August 25, followed on September 19 with
another 12 noon rally at the Vancouver Art Gallery.
Some activists are also calling for recall initiatives aimed to bring
down at least 13 Liberal MLAs and deny the government its majority.
While such recalls are extremely difficult and cannot formally begin
until November 2010, their view is that successful preparations for
such a drive could frighten the Liberals into backing down.
As political analyst David Schreck points out, the HST will shift taxes
from businesses to B.C. families. "That's what it means when (Premier
Campbell and Finance Minister Colin Hansen) say the tax saves
businesses $1.9 billion per year while keeping the government
revenue‑neutral; in other words, you pay more to make up for what
businesses will save... A shift of $1.9 billion per year from
businesses to B.C. families makes the HST the biggest tax shift in B.C.
history."
Gordon Campbell's 2001 tax cuts (announced by surprise just after his
first election victory) cost the province $1.5 billion in revenues,
with just 8,000 people receiving 14 per cent of the benefits. The
overwhelming majority of that tax cut, over $1 billion annually, went
to higher income earners. Then in 2002, Campbell's 50 per cent increase
in Medical Service Plan premiums cost B.C. families about $450 million
per year.
These shockers are dwarfed by the HST move, which will mean an average
tax shift of $428 for each resident of B.C. Since high-income families
pay a lower percentage of their incomes in sales taxes than middle or
low-income earners, the tax is profoundly regressive.
The government claims that the HST shift will boost new business
investment, but Schreck notes that like Ontario, the Campbell
government seems to have pulled this argument from one flawed study of
the Atlantic provinces reported in a 2007 Commentary from the C.D. Howe
Institute.
The issue has given new life to NDP leader Carole James, who failed to
gain new votes or seats for her party in the May election. This is the
second time James has jumped on an anti-tax bandwagon - last year it
was the Premier's carbon tax, which drew wide protests in rural and
northern areas across the province. But while James hopes to tap public
anger against the HST, she has yet to propose any truly progressive
alternative.
In contrast, BC Communist Party organizer Sam Hammond says that British
Columbians should call for deeper changes.
"Working people in BC have faced a relentless attack on jobs, incomes,
social programs and collective bargaining rights under the Campbell
Liberals," says Hammond. "It's time to turn things around, by fighting
to win a truly progressive taxation system. That has to start with a
huge movement against the HST, including the rallies in Victoria and
Vancouver. But the working class and its allies need to bolster this
campaign with a people's alternative, one that puts the burden of the
province's financial crisis on the backs of the rich and the
corporations. The Communist Party will put forward such a program, and
this fall we will carry it into the trade unions and all people's
movements."
9) AUTHOR SLAMS
MEDIA COVERAGE OF HONDURAS
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
By
Yves Engler,
August 13, 2009
The dominant
Canadian media's coverage of the coup in Honduras has been atrocious.
Even a close observer of the Canadian press would know almost nothing
about the ongoing demonstrations, blockades and work stoppages calling
for the return of elected President Manuel Zelaya. Since Zelaya was
overthrown by the military on June 28 the majority of teachers in
Honduras have been on strike. Recently, health workers, air traffic
controllers and taxi drivers have also taken job action against
the coup. In response the military sent troops to oversee airports and
hospitals across the country.
For more than a week protesters from all corners of the country walked
20 km a day and on Tuesday tens of thousands of demonstrators converged
on the country's two biggest cities, San Pedro Sula and Tegucigalpa.
These demonstrations prompted the de facto regime to reimpose a curfew
in the capital, which had been in effect in the weeks after the coup.
This resistance ‑ taking place under the threat of military repression
‑ has gone almost entirely unreported by leading Canadian media.
So has Canada's tacit support for the coup.
Last Tuesday (August 11) the ousted Honduran Foreign Affairs Minister
told TeleSur that Canada and the US were providing "oxygen" to the
military government. Picked up by numerous Spanish language newspapers,
Patricia Rodas called on Canada and the US to suspend aid to the de
facto regime.
During an official visit to Mexico with Zelaya, Rodas asked Mexican
President Felipe Calderon, who was about to meet Harper and Obama, to
lobby Ottawa and Washington on their behalf. "We are asking [Calderon]
to be an intermediary for our people with the powerful countries of the
world, for example, the US and at this moment Canada, which have lines
of military and economic support with Honduras."
To my knowledge, no Canadian media reported Rodas' comments. Nor did
any Canadian media mention that Canada's ambassador to Costa Rica, Neil
Reeder, met coup officials in Tegucigalpa last week. The Canadian media
has also ignored the fact that Canada is the only major donor to
Honduras yet to sever any aid to the military government.
Latin American (and to a lesser extent US) media have covered Ottawa's
tacit support for the coup more closely than the Globe
and Mail, Ottawa Citizen and most of the rest
of the Canadian media. When Zelaya tried to fly into Tegucigalpa a week
after the coup Canada's minister for the Americas, Peter Kent, told the
Organization of American the "time is not right" for a return. The
New York Times ran two different
articles that mentioned Canada's anti‑Zelaya position while Bloomberg
published another. Many Latin American news agencies also printed
stories about the Conservative government's position, however, the
Canadian media was uninterested.
A few weeks later Zelaya attempted to cross into Honduras by land from
Nicaragua. Kent once again criticized this move. "Canada's Kent Says
Zelaya Should Wait Before Return to Honduras," read a July 20 Bloomberg
headline. A July 25 right‑wing Honduran newspaper blared:
"Canada pide a Zelaya no entrar al pais hasta llegar a un acuerdo" (Canada asks Zelaya not
to enter the country until there's a negotiated solution).
After publishing a number of articles about Ottawa's position in the
hours and days after the coup, Mexican news agency Notimex did a piece
that summarized something this author wrote for rabble.ca. Then on July
26 Notimex wrote about the Canadian Council for International
Cooperation's demand that Ottawa take a more firm position against the
coup. Both of these articles were published (at least online) by a
number of major Spanish‑language newspapers.
Finally, a month after the coup there was a small breakthrough into
Canada's dominant media. A sympathetic producer at CBC radio's The
Current
provided space for Graham Russell from Rights Action, a Canadian group
with a long history in Honduras, to criticize Ottawa's handling of the
coup. Unfortunately, Russell's succinct comments were followed by the
CBC interviewer's kid gloves treatment of Minister Peter Kent. Still,
the next day the Canadian Press revealed that Ottawa refused to exclude
Honduras from its Military Training Assistance Program, a program
rabble.ca reported on days after the coup.
Uninterested in the Conservative government's machinations, the
Canadian media is even less concerned with the corporations that may be
influencing Ottawa's policy towards Honduras. Rights Action has
uncovered highly credible information that Vancouver-based Goldcorp
provided buses to the capital, Tegucigalpa, and cash to former
employees who rallied in support of the coup. As far as I can tell, the
Halifax
Chronicle Herald is the only major
Canadian media outlet that has mentioned this connection between the
world's second biggest gold producer and the coup.
Under pressure from the Maquila Solidarity Network, two weeks ago Nike,
Gap, and another US‑based apparel company operating in Honduras
released a statement calling for the restoration of democracy. With
half of its operations in the country Montreal-based Gildan activewear,
the world's largest blank T‑shirt maker, refused to sign this
statement. According to company spokesperson Genevieve Gosselin, Gildan
employs more than 11,000 people in Honduras. Without a high‑profile
brand name Gildan is particularly dependent on producing T‑shirts and
socks at the lowest cost possible and presumably the company opposed
Zelaya's move to increase the minimum wage by 60% at the start of the
year. Has Gildan actively supported the coup like Goldcorp? It is hard
to know since there has yet to be any serious investigation of the
company's recent activities in the country.
The Canadian media's coverage of the coup demonstrates the importance
of independent media. We need to support news outlets willing to
challenge the powerful.
(Yves Engler is the author of the recently released The Black Book of
Canadian Foreign Policy, available at blackbook.foreignpolicy.ca, and
other books. He can be contacted at yvesengler@hotmail.com.)
10) WAR RESISTER
CONTINUES BATTLE AGAINST DEPORTATION
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
People's
Voice recently interviewed U.S. war resister Joshua Key, who is
preparing for a speaking tour across western Canada to draw attention
to the ongoing campaign for himself and others to remain in Canada.
In
two years, your book A Deserters Tale has
been translated into twelve languages. It is an international
bestseller that defines the U.S. occupation of Iraq in a way that will
be long remembered. The covers of glossy magazines such as GQ,
interviews by papers of record in the world's capitals... Were you
surprised by the response?
Well, I was very surprised about the response to the book. I'm very
happy that so many countries took the whole subject seriously, with
interviews, magazines and everything of that nature. I still get
requests from countries where the book is coming out, also other
countries that want follow‑ups and interviews that I did before just to
see how things are going now. I only do the interviews that I consider
worth it and that are going to change something. I'm glad after this
year things have calmed down.
Where
did you learn the moral values that made you decide not to return to
Iraq in 2003?
I was born and raised in Guthrie, Oklahoma, in a very conservative,
Republican way of thinking. I mostly remember my grandfather, although
he was a very racist man. He still in a very big sense taught us how to
be men and how to live up to our responsibilities, to know the
difference between right and wrong. In Iraq I don't know exactly what
it was. I just know that in many ways I was very brainwashed. Then you
realize you still have a conscience and know the difference between
right and wrong ‑ and I always say that goes back to my childhood just
the way my grandfather was. You know, there was a fine line.
What
response has your book received in the United States? What do
government and military officials think about it?
My book in the United States I would say has done its job as far as
getting the word out. But when the book first came out there were
interviews conducted with CNN, People magazine and others, I was told
by my editor in New York that the reason the interviews did not appear
was these media were threatened with lawsuits by the U.S. government.
So I didn't get publicity that I hoped for because of that. Since that
time the attitude has very much changed. I mean some people will always
consider it "These are lies. No way things went that way." But anyone
can get a textbook, look at military law, and think they know the
answer to it all, that I have lied. Only people that have been in the
military and especially those who were with me know the truth and know
the way things were conducted.
Do
they want to punish you more for the book if they get their hands on
you?
Yes, yeah. You know, as far as the military goes I think I have done
the worst of the worst. That is, I fought in war. Then I published a
book exactly about my experiences in the war. A big no‑no, and I am
sure it would cost me much more time in prison. I know it will.
You
came to Canada in 2005 after living underground in Philadelphia for
over a year. Where are you at in your efforts to stay in Canada as a
political refugee?
I applied for refugee status in 2005 when I came. I was denied. I won
my appeal then I went back to the Immigration and Refugee Board last
June and had another hearing which I would say went very well. I don't
know the verdict yet. But I think I did the best I could as far as
telling the courts the truth, as well as explaining that with people
like myself being sent back to the United States its just not as simple
as "Oh well they didn't do anything" or "They are only going to receive
a little time in prison" or whatever they might think. Previous cases
show that those of us who have spoken out received the harshest
punishment of all.
You
will be soon on tour, campaigning to let war resisters stay and to end
the wars, both in Iraq and Afghanistan. Why is this tour needed now?
Why Manitoba to the interior of B.C.? What do you hope can be
accomplished by the tour?
The reason for the tour is I don't think anything can be won just by
Toronto and Vancouver. There are millions of people all across this
country that all have to be informed of the situation, why we are here.
And not only that but to put a face to the story and understand the
reasons why we are here.
How do you explain to people why the Harper government opposes war
resisters' claims, denies humanitarian relief, and deports them to
lengthy prison sentences in the U.S.?
Twice now there's been a motion passed in the House of Commons for
people like me to stay in Canada. Because the Harper government won't
implement those motions, people are getting deported and having a very
rough life. You are in limbo, waiting until the time you are
deported. It's quite staggering, but the Harper government is not
agreeing with the will of Canadians, through their votes and their MPs.
It's the government itself that still supports Bush's policies; that's
the reason they don't want us here.
Has the election of President Obama affected the soldiers who oppose
the wars in Iraq or Afghanistan? Are anti‑war views among soldiers
growing now that the conflict in Afghanistan shows no sign of ending?
With Obama taking power everyone hopes for the best. I know we all do.
But as far as soldiers go nothing happens until it's happened. Anyone
can say many things and promise many things, but it doesn't mean that
it's going to happen like that. We've all learned that, especially in
the last presidency. Hopefully it will be done as stated. I can't see
the military changing its way, especially now. The attitudes of people
like myself are probably the least concern and the least worry to the
administration in the United States.
Has your view of Canada changed since you first arrived?
I would say my view of Canadians hasn't changed at all ‑ still very
gracious and kind, and the greatest people. As far as attitudes to the
government, it makes it a little hard when you have to fight to stay
somewhere and live in peace, and one man in charge of the government
right now can halt the majority of Canadians who want us to stay here.
So it is quite disturbing. But I still keep hope.
How
have your mother and other family members responded to your decision to
leave the United States? Will they see you in Canada? What do you wish
for when you think about them?
Well I wish that I could see my brother and my mother. I mean my mother
is terminally ill so it's very difficult for her getting the
authorization to travel. It hasn't happened yet but I hope it will. My
brother and my cousins I hope one day will come to visit me. The
attitudes in my family of course change. I'm sure some still consider
me a coward and a traitor, but that just depends on... I had a little
cousin that was just in Iraq and I think when he came back for them to
see exactly how much he's changed... I don't think they can say too
much to me, especially because of what my cousin went through there.
11) BC ORGANIZES
SUPPORT FOR BAJA LEMPA COMMUNITIES
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
By
Myra Reyes
Located at the
south east of El Salvador,the Bajo Lempa region includes some 64
communities organized under the name of Associación
Coordinadora Mangle. (Mangle is Spanish
for mangrove, a common tree in this area.) Their effort to confront the
negative effects of the neoliberal policies implemented in El Salvador
is not a surprise to those who know the heroic history of its members.
During the 12-year long civil war in El Salvador, many people were
forced to leave their country and start a new life somewhere else. In
the case of two villages in the eastern Department of Morazan, where
many people were organized around the new theology of liberation, the
communities fled the country because of constant harassment and abuses
by the military.
They immigrated to Panama, where then-president Omar Torrijos welcomed
them and gave land in the mountains, with the promise to build roads
and bring the necessary services. The communities cleared the land to
build their homes and to produce food, all in the hope to settle and
live in peace.
A few years later, shortly after the death of Torrijos, the support
ended, and the communities decided to go back home. Along the way,
others joined their march and arrived at an abandoned farm in Bajo
Lempa, Hacienda la Carrera. This settlement was named to honour
Archbishop Arnulfo Romero.
In 1993, as result of the Peace Agreement, one of the negotiated points
gave people of Bajo Lempa the legal rights to their land. Economic
compensation to each family was also granted, and the money was put in
a collective fund to start the Association Mangle‑Coordinator for the
Communities of Bajo Lempa.
The zone is far from ideal, but they are making it work through hard
efforts and organization. The principles of democratic participation,
past experiences, respect for human dignity, and self-sufficiency as
the base for sustainability keep the organized communities productive
and strong.
Their purpose is the progressive transformation of social and
productive relations, to build up the conditions that will improve the
quality of life of the population of Bajo Lempa and Jiquilisco Bay.
Their vision is a democratic, autonomous, self‑sufficient organization,
based in solidarity, capable of producing such a qualitative
transformation.
Their mission is to consolidate the organization, participation,
capabilities and abilities, of the individuals and of the people of
Bajo Lempa and the Jiquilisco Bay.
Now the communities have established a set of policies and actions
oriented to execute a plan of action for the construction of an
economic, just and autonomous system. There are ten points in their
policies, all oriented to develop the necessary skills to defend their
rights to the land, work, health, education and peace; to live with
dignity; to promote their own development, support and participate in
the social and political actions against the neoliberal policies.
They also are working hard to build the necessary infrastructure for
the community, making alliances with other organizations to build
houses and services.
Coordinadora Mangle is leading the movement in the zone to protect the
environment and the conservation of native species. It is important to
mention the different projects taking place in the communities of Bajo
Lempa.
In Vancouver we have formed a committee, Mangle BC, with the objective
to seek support for the communities of Bajo Lempa and their work, by
raising awareness of their process and projects, following their
principles of solidarity and organization.
(Myra Reyes is organizer for Mangle BC; she can be contacted at roselia26@yahoo.es)
12) NO COMFORT FOR
"COMFORT WOMEN"
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
By
Sean Burton
World War Two
ended sixty‑four years ago, but its scars linger on. Among the many
shameful and criminal acts in that conflict was Imperial Japan's
practice of coercing women in occupied countries to become "comfort
women" for its soldiers. Effectively a form of sex slavery, the
practice affected perhaps hundreds of thousands of women. The majority
were from Korea, China, and Japan itself.
Every Wednesday since 1992, demonstrations have been held at the
Japanese embassy in Seoul to demand a resolution of the issue by the
Japanese government. Despite the changes imposed by the post-war U.S.
occupation, Japan has managed to avoid taking direct responsibility for
many of its war crimes. Or perhaps that evasion of responsibility is
precisely because of those changes! Because of the atomic bombings,
because having a military was prohibited, and because of its position
vis a vis the Cold War, Japan has for decades acted more like a victim.
Even now, Japan keeps up this innocent act with regards to North Korea.
The actual number of women involved and the manner of their treatment
is continually disputed. It has been estimated that only 25% of the
women survived, and many suffered from various diseases that prevented
them from having children. Beatings and other forms of torture also
occurred. Incriminating evidence was destroyed at the end of the war,
and as late as 2007, the Japanese government insisted that it never
instituted this sex slavery, stating that the brothels were
privately‑run and thus had no connection to state policy.
In 1991 documents from the archives of the Japanese defence ministry
were found that revealed the military was directly involved in running
the brothels. When those findings were released to the press, it shook
the government into releasing an apology of sorts. Chief Cabinet
Secretary, Yohei Kono, issued a statement in 1993 in which he said that
the brothels were operated "in response to the request of the military
of the day" and that the military was "directly or indirectly involved"
in the establishment of "comfort stations". Kono attributed everything
else to private recruiters, and thus the apology was worded to avoid
accepting legal responsibility. Japan subsequently set up the "Asia
Women's Fund" to provide material compensation plus a signed apology
from the Prime Minister.
But, as a recent Korea
Herald
article reminded its readers, this fund was based solely on private
donations. Because of the unofficial nature of the fund, most surviving
comfort women have refused to accept the money. A UN investigation in
1998 concluded that the system of comfort women was indeed a crime
against humanity and that other elements of the system were illegal
even at the time they were instituted.
These findings are conveniently ignored by Japan's government. In 2007,
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe insisted there was no evidence that force was
used against those women, and his education minister lauded the fact
that references to "wartime sex slavery" had been largely abolished
from official history textbooks. Some Japanese historians, such as
Ikuhiko Hata of Nihon University, argue that the number of comfort
women did not exceed 20,000, and that none were coerced.
One may well think that Korea, from which many of the women were taken,
has been on the front line of forcing Japan to accept responsibility.
In 1990, the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual
Slavery by Japan was formed. This non‑profit organization sponsors the
weekly protests in Seoul demanding Japan take responsibility and punish
those who were involved if they still live. They also want to build a
museum and promote the issue to a wider audience, but they have a
distinct lack of financial support.
Much to the anger of its membership, the South Korean government's
record on the issue is rather dubious. During the days of military
dictatorship, the subject was little heard of. It became more widely
known at a time when women's rights activists began investigating
prostitution geared toward the US military in South Korea. According to
Katharine Moon in an article in The
Journal of Asian Studies ten years
ago, the investigators found that many of the women involved had been
kidnapped, raped, or otherwise coerced and harmed, and that such
practices were regulated and sustained by US and South Korean
government policies. The South Korean government was therefore catering
to yet another imperialist master. Seoul would not condemn Japan lest
it draw uncomfortable parallels to local affairs.
Even since the "liberalization" of the country in the early 1990s, the
government in Seoul has done little to pressure Japan. The two
countries bicker over a couple of rocks in the East Sea (known in Korea
as Dok Do), but a matter of real, and historical, concern isn't worthy
of similar attention.
Imperialism's grip on South Korea is such that its leaders would rather
ignore or gloss over the wrongs committed against their country
because, as we all know, the real threat are the reds!
At least half of Korea is forthright in its opinions. Founded on
anti‑imperialist principles, the Democratic People's Republic Korea has
from its inception demanded that Japan take responsibility for its
crimes. It is sad indeed that world opinion has been poisoned against
that small, isolated country which has done more to defend the Korean
nation than its southern counterpart ever has.
(The link to the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military
Sexual Slavery by Japan is: http://www.womenandwar.net/english/index.php)
13) DANISH
COMMUNISTS EXPOSE POLICE SURVEILLANCE
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
The Communist
Party in Denmark (KPiD) has released fascinating information on the
illegal practices of the Danish police.
Back in 1968, the Danish Minister of Justice declared in parliament
that the Intelligence Service was no longer allowed to register Danish
citizens solely on the grounds of legal political activities. In June
1999, the Parliament formed a commission to investigate whether the
Intelligence Service had acted according to the law.
The commission has now published a 15 volume report, containing over
4,000 pages covering the years 1945 to 1989. While the commission
concludes that the police had acted correctly, this is not supported by
the contents.
The report found that the police closely followed the activities of the
Danish Communist Party and the Danish Communist Youth organisation. All
leading members were registered by the police, who also placed agents
inside the party. The party's headquarters and telephones were bugged,
and the secrecy of its mail was violated. This practice continued after
Justice Minister's 1968 statement.
Non‑members who attended public meetings organized by the Communists
also ended up in the secret files of the police, along with people who
signed petitions circulated by the party.
The same thing happened to trade unions, the peace movement, solidarity
organisations, and organisations for friendship with the Soviet Union
and the GDR. Even the politically broad Public Movement Against the EU
was spied on.
People who sailed on the ferry from Copenhagen to Warnemunde in the
former GDR systematically had their passports photographed by the
police, and the same thing happened to tourists travelling to other
socialist countries. The report includes descriptions of the close
cooperation of the Danish police with the CIA and other foreign
intelligence services.
A statement from the KPiD says, "We the communists have always been
aware of the illegal work of the Danish Police Intelligence Service.
Others have accused us of being paranoid. But the report shows that it
was not the communists but the police and other authorities who
suffered from paranoia. In total more than 300,000 persons ended up in
the secret archives of the police in a small country with about 5.5
million inhabitants!
"Parts of the large report are rather funny as they show how amateurish
and ignorantly the police very often worked. For many years the police
made very big efforts to find hidden weapons among the communists ‑ but
without success as there were none to find, as it is not a part of the
policy of the communists to plan an armed revolution...
"The police had the idea that the Communist Party, beside its open and
public organisation, also had a hidden and secret organisation with a
secret leadership. The fact is that the Communist Party was not so big
that it would be possible to duplicate its leadership with a secret
one. The party having such an idea is just a result of the imagination
of the police.
"The police were very interested in finding Danish communists who were
working as agents for the Soviet Union or the GDR. Of course these
countries had agents, as all countries do. But the most stupid thing to
do for a foreign intelligence organisation would be to use local
communists as agents, since everybody knew that they were under
constant surveillance.
"The report describes how the intelligence system worked in Denmark ‑
but it might be interesting to others as the methods used in Denmark
undoubtedly were used in many other countries."
Communist Party of Canada leader Miguel Figueroa notes that "In Canada,
there was a similar exhaustive investigation (the McDonald Commission)
into the wrong‑doings of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police published in
1981. It detailed countless illegal undercover operations, provocations
and other crimes committed against the Communist Party and its members,
and against left‑wing unions and people's organizations (especially
those led by the Communists). This damning report forced the Canadian
government to sharply restrict the activities of the RCMP, especially
its activities abroad and those directed at political surveillance and
intelligence. In its place, the government formed the (supposedly
`civilian') Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) in 1984.
However, this action did not end these `dirty tricks'; instead it only
added another agency to the repressive arsenal of the Canadian State."
14) PAKISTAN ARMY
CONTINUES OFFENSIVE AGAINST TALIBAN
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
By
Asad Ali
In early May, the
Pakistan Army shelled and entered several towns in the North West
Frontier Province (NWFP) held by the Pakistani Taliban, and announced
they would continue into the rural areas of the province and then to
the outlying Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), where the
insurgency started. Hamid Mir, a Pakistani television reporter for
Geo‑News, described the scenes of destruction as similar to Gaza after
Israel's invasion earlier this year. The offensive has continued
through the summer.
Statistics from the Pak Institute for Peace Studies show that the rate
of civilian casualties in Pakistan between October 2008 and March 2009
is higher than the UN's estimate for Afghanistan. The Government of
Pakistan estimates that over 1,000,000 civilians have been displaced.
News reports say that many of the people in the areas being bombed
remain there, without access to food or health care.
The Taliban's entry into Buner, an NWFP district that happens to be
between the federal capital and FATA, was blamed by the government as
the trigger of the military's offensive. However the Taliban only
entered the area after the federal government delayed in implementing a
peace agreement negotiated by the NWFP's ruling Awami (Popular)
National Party (ANP). The ANP is a secular left-wing party that
succeeds the 1930s non‑violent pro‑independence Red Shirt movement,
which Gandhi had described as the only correct implementation of his
philosophy. In the 2008 elections the ANP had won a landslide victory
in the NWFP over a religious coalition and has formed provincial
governments before.
The peace agreement was erroneously reported as a surrender and letting
the Taliban implement Shari'a Law, but in fact the deal called for the
ANP to implement Nizam‑e‑Adl (administration of religious justice)
courts that were staffed by ANP‑selected judges who applied the
plaintiffs' own concepts of religious law. This implementation became
another point of contention for the Taliban, contrary to reports of
Taliban vigilante control. Residents had said they were pleased with
the ANP's implementation as the new courts were faster than the
Provincial courts.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had called the peace agreement
an "existential threat" to the world because of Pakistan's few nuclear
weapons, yet it is the U.S. which has threatened nuclear first strikes
under George W. Bush and with NATO has killed thousands of civilians in
Afghanistan. The US commander in Afghanistan, Gen. McChrystal, recently
described US air power as "the seeds of our own destruction" and
implied civilians were killed by NATO forces not in any danger. Afghan
Taliban leaders point out that their movement is distinct from the
Pakistani Taliban with different objectives and social composition.
Progressive politicians, including ANP Senator Lala Khan from the Swat
Valley, the first NWFP district the Taliban entered, say the root
causes of the conflict are the lack of integration of the Tribal Areas
as well as inequitable distribution of resources by the federal
government, ignited by the NATO occupation of Afghanistan. Observers
point out that the Federal Government did not give the ANP's peace
agreement a chance and sabotaged it for the opportunity to launch a
military campaign against its own citizens as demanded by NATO.
Politicians from parties other than the ANP are calling for stopping
the army and resuming dialogue with the Taliban for the sake of
national unity and civilian lives.
(The following
article is from the September 1-15, 2009, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for
U.S. readers and overseas readers - $50 per year. Send to:
People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133
Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)
VANCOUVER, BC
Left
Film Nights - at the Centre for
Socialist Education, 706 Clark Drive.
- Sunday, Aug. 30, 7 pm, MILK,
starring Sean Penn.
- Sunday, Sept. 27, 7pm. THE POWER OF SONG,
recent documentary on the life of Pete Seeger.
Free
admission, donations welcome, Info:
604-255-2041.
StopWar monthly meeting, planning for
fall events - 5:30 pm, Wed., Sept. 2, at Maritime Labour
Centre, entrance by parking lot, 111 Victoria Drive, see http://www.stopwar.ca.
Chilean Independence Day Celebration - Sat., Sept. 19, 6
pm, Peretz Centre, 8184 Ash St. Organized by Central Cultural Raices,
sponsored by Spanish language radio shows: Latino Soy (96.l1 FM), El
Bus de las 7 (102.7 FM), and Romantic Tango (102.7 FM). The celebration
will feature traditional Chilean food and wines, fok music by Los
Hermanos Galdames, and "Orquesta Guarum." Tickets $20, for reservations
call 604-436-5599; 778-216-0507; or 778-881-0904.
WINNIPEG,
MB
Peace
Alliance Winnipeg monthly meeting - Tuesday, Sept. 8, 7 pm,
Workers Organizing Resource Centre, 280 Smith St.
Manitoba Peace Council meeting -
Wed. Sept. 8, 7 pm, 280 Smith St.
Four Directions Walk Committee
meeting - Thur., Sept. 9, 7 pm, 280 Smith St.
Labour Election
Committee Water Utility strategy meeting - Mon., Sept. 14, 7 pm,
280 Smith St.
CALGARY, AB
First
Annual Union Labour Day BBQ - Monday, Sept. 7 - 11 am-2 pm,
Olympic Park Plaza, 228 - 8th Ave. SE, details from Calgary &
District Labour Council, 402-262-2390.
SASKATOON, SK
Political discussion & beer, all welcome to join Saskatoon CPC
members - third Monday of
every month, in the tv room at Amigo’s, 632-10 St. East.
HAMILTON, ON
Solidarity House classes - at 779 Barton St. East (parking at rear). Wednesdays 7-9, Introduction to Spoken Spanish, $10 suggested donation - bring your dictionary! Saturdays 12-2 - Das Kapital,
video & discussion.
$50,000 Fund Drive
DRIVE PASSES 93% - VICTORY IN SIGHT
Our 2009 Fund Drive has picked up the pace again in
recent weeks,
with some remaining donations sent in, and another outstanding People's Voice Walk-
a-Thon. As of Aug. 17, we are at $46,697 or 93.4% of out $50,000
target, with victory in sight.
Ontario is the first province to fulfill its target,
with $22,000
turned in, or 100% of their target. BC is now tied for second place, at
88.4%. Our supporters in the Lower Fraser Club are the source of
much
of our recent progress, with just over $3000 to their credit at the
Aug. 9 Walk-A-Thon, bringing the BC total to $18,201 out of their
$20,600 target. Many thanks to the organizers, especially the tireless
Harjit Daudharia and Krishna Syal! Tied with BC is Alberta, where the
new total is $2123 out of $22400.
Saskatchewan is at 82.5% ($660 on their $800
target), followed by
Quebec, where our supporters held a very successful picnic in early
August to bring their total up to $372, or 74.4% of their $500 target.
Manitoba is now at 68% ($1640 out of $2400), and another $1700 has been
raised by readers in the Maritimes, Newfoundland, and elsewhere.
The Fund Drive must now be wrapped up right away, to
clear the
decks for other urgent priorities. We appeal to readers to help finish
off the final six percent. If you can make any donation to help us
reach the $50,000 goal, please forward it today. Thanks to all who have
worked so hard and contributed so generously!
PRICE
INCREASE
We regret to inform readers that the
relentless increase in costs of production and mailing have finally
compelled us to raise our rates. As of Sept. 1, a one-year subscription
in Canada will cost $30, and a two-year sub will be $50. The rate for
low-income readers will rise to $15 for one your. For our friends in
the US and overseas, a one-year subscription will now cost $50 in
Canadian funds. The cover price for newstand and bookstore sales will
be raised to $1.50.
As you know, we are once again offering something in
return for your
generous solidarity. This year’s “PV Shopping Bag” includes the
following:
a 12-month complimentary
PV sub (keep it or give it
to a
friend);
People’s Voice
2009 Calendar;
People’s Voice
“Karl Marx” Tshirt (tell us what
size);
a surprise music CD - pick
classical, oldies, or
folk.
Here’s
how it works. For a $100 donation, you will receive your choice of one
of these items. For each additional $100, you can choose another item
from our Shopping Bag. For a donation of $1000 or more, take the entire
Shopping Bag, and we will also give a lifetime subscription to you or a
friend.
Remember -
People’s Voice is your
newspaper, your voice in the information wars. Your contribution helps
us build it bigger and better!
Here's
my contribution to the PV Fund Drive!
Enclosed please find my donation of $_____
to the 2009 People's Voice Press Fund
Drive.
Name __________________________________
Address ________________________________
City/town ______________________________
Prov. ________ Postal Code _______________
Send to: People's Voice, 133 Herkimer St.,Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P
2H3
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