13) FARC COMPUTER ALLEGATIONS EXPOSED
(The
following
article is from the June 1-15, 2008, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the
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By
Carlos Martinez and Pascual Serrano, Rebelion
Last March 1, the
Colombian Army attacked a FARC camp in Ecuadoran territory. The army
supposedly captured three laptops, three flash drives and two external
hard disks. And it must be said "supposedly" because said evidence was
not obtained under established police or judicial procedures, but
rather through military aggression in a foreign country, making any
evidence obtained thereby illegal and unusable in any judicial
procedure.
In order to
give validity to this "evidence," the Colombian authorities asked
Interpol to produce a report certifying the "authenticity" of the
archives contained in the equipment. A reading of the report calls
attention to the following conclusions:
First, a
reference is made to "data classified as ULTRA SECRETO" (Page 20) when
part of the data was already published in the El Pais newspaper.
The most
important is that the report itself acknowledges in its "Finding 2b"
(Page 30) that the Colombian authorities manipulated the computers and
storage devices and that "Access to the data contained in the eight
FARC computer exhibits... did not conform to internationally recognized
principles for handling electronic evidence by law enforcement."
The study
commissioned by the Colombian government acknowledges that: "Direct
access may complicate validating this evidence for purposes of its
introduction in a judicial proceeding, because law enforcement is then
required to demonstrate or prove that the direct access did not have a
material impact on the purpose for which the evidence is intended."
For example,
further on in the document, Interpol says that: "The operating systems
of the three seized laptops all showed that the laptops had been shut
down on 3 March 2008 (at different times, but all three prior to 11:45
am, the time of receipt by the forensic computer examiners of the
Colombian Judicial Police). The two external hard disks and the three
USB thumb drives had all been connected to a computer between 1 and 3
March 2008, without prior imagine of their contents and without the use
of write-blocking hardware."
That is, the
Colombian Army used and modified the archives contained in the
computers, USB memory and hard disks, before delivering them to the
Colombian police.
For example,
on page 31, the report says: "83. Seized exhibit 26, a laptop computer,
showed the following effects on files on or after 1 March 2008":
* 273 system files
were created
* 373 system and
user files were accessed
* 786 system files
were modified
* 488 system files
were deleted
The report
says that user documents (Word and the like) are authentic, because
they were not modified between March 1 and the date of the examination.
However, the same report acknowledges the limits of this statement
because in Exhibit 31, there are:
* 2,110 files with
creation dates ranging between 20 April 2009 to 27 August 2009
* 1,434 files
which show as having been last modified between 5 April 2009 and 16
October 2010
It concludes
that "these files were originally created prior to 1 March 2008 on a
device or devices with incorrect system time settings. (Page 33)
What this
means is that any user changing the time on the operating system can
create a document with any date they please, either a prior or even a
future one.
It must be
stressed that in regard to the forensic conclusions, the report
literally says: Without revealing the content of the data, INTERPOL can
state the following with regard to the user files contained in the
eight seized FARC computer exhibits:
* 109 document
files were found on more than one of the exhibits
* 452 spreadsheets
* 7,989 e-mail
addresses
* 10,537
multimedia files (sound and video)
* 22,481 web pages
* 37,872 written
documents (such as Word documents, PDF files, text format documents)
* 210,888 images
Of the above, 983 files were found to be encrypted. (Page 27)
In other
words, nowhere in the seized computers is there a reference to them
containing emails. Remember that the reports from El País referred to
emails and published the files under the headline "Emails captured from
Raul Reyes computer." Therefore, where did they get those emails? Or
did they simply not exist in the seized computers?
Finally, the
report concludes (Page 35 and beyond) with seven pages dedicated to
recommendations to police in member countries, telling them how
electronic evidence should be treated, recommendations that were
probably made because this case serves as an example to police for how
not to collect information technology (IT) evidence. The only way in
which one might ensure the authenticity of documents contained in IT
archives is to obtain them under judicial direction and from the
outset, when they come into custody of jurisdictionally independent
authorities; doing forensic testing on only one exact copy of the
contents of the hard disks and memory.
As it is,
Interpol's own report only casts more doubt on the origin of the
computer archives published by El País in order to attack Venezuela and
Ecuador.
This has also
been pointed out by the U.S. academics Miguel Tinker-Salas, Professor
at the University of California (Pomona) and Forrest Hylton, Professor
at New York University (NYU), who warned that the information found in
the computers said to be those of Raul Reyes, had been misused by the
Colombian government and Interpol.
Miguel
Tinker-Salas, an expert on Latin American subjects, indicated that
there are number of politically motivated misinterpretations assigned
to the contents of the computers. "One must recall that Interpol can
only say whether manipulation took place. But it cannot say whether the
elements it found are original and it cannot certify the information."
Moreover, he
pointed out the problem inherent in the fact that the report was
disseminated from Colombia, since this demonstrates that Interpol is
defending the interests of Alvaro Uribe's government, supported by the
United States.
Forrest
Hylton, of NYU, expressed the need for the contents to be verified by
an institution with a greater degree of independence. "It's likely that
the computers did survive the Colombian bombing, but the problem is
that we don't know anything more, nor how they were treated," he said.
The reality
is the Colombia did manipulate the FARC computers. The media, the
Colombian government and Interpol's managers have stressed the elements
that interest the media who headline their reports, "Interpol Finds
Documents Sourcing From Raul Reyes' Computer to be Authentic," or
"Police Agency says Venezuela Financed the FARC" (El País). The most
eloquent evidence that these headlines are lies is that the Interpol
report, in order to ensure its impartiality, was done by IT technicians
who don't speak Spanish and didn't have a political understanding of
what the files said. That's what one report said: "The experts come
from outside the region and didn't speak Spanish, which helped
eliminate the possibility that they might have been influenced by the
contents of the data they were analyzing." A report from an IT
technician who doesn't understand Spanish cannot possibly say that
Venezuela financed the FARC, because s/he wouldn't have understood a
single word of what the files said.
The media
misrepresentation has continued while the Interpol report summary says:
"The verification of the eight seized FARC computer exhibits by
INTERPOL does not imply the validation of the accuracy of the user
files, the validation of any country's interpretation of the user files
or the validation of the source of the user files."
El País
headlined its report from Maite Rico and Pilar Lozano, "Interpol
Certifies that the FARC Computers Were Not Manipulated," with the
subtitle: "Police Organization Says the Laptops Belonged to Raul Reyes."
On the other
hand, in passing supposed contents of the computers that implicated
Venezuela and Ecuador through the filter of a friendly press, Colombian
authorities showed the world that they were more interested in
criminalizing these governments than in allowing judges and security
forces to work. If they're so interested in transparency, it would be
good to know what information the FARC had about paramilitary crimes
and the members of the Uribe administration implicated in
paramilitarism. Surely there were was plenty of that in the hundreds of
gigabytes that are said to be contained in the disks.