10)
SINGUR, INDUSTRIALISATION, & THE BENGAL LEFT FRONT GOVERNMENT
(The
following
article is from the October 16-31, 2008, issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the
source is credited. Subscription rates in Canada: $25/year, or $12 low
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By B. Prasant, PV
correspondent in India
A
huge ruckus has been thrown up in
the corporate media in India and elsewhere, that "poor helpless
farmers" are being robbed of their agricultural land, their only source
of livelihood, by the Bengal Left Front government for the sake of
catering to big business and big capital.
Singur comprises a cluster of
small villages in the district of Hooghly, about 60 km from Kolkata. As
part of its pro-employment and pro-poor industrial policy, the Left
Front government, at the head of which is the Communist Party of India
(Marxist), has chosen to build up industries in this area. The central
government would not help, and the state government does not have the
resources. Thus, private capital has been invited, but under conditions
stipulated by the state government.
The state government acquired a
Tata Motors project that would produce a US $2,500 small hatch back car
called Nano. Big and small farmers, absentee landlords, and sundry
smallholders including shop owners, populate the 998 acres of farmland
that has been taken over. The land plot also includes residential
houses, mostly single-storied.
Agriculture here is no longer
profitable. Thanks to population pressure (with a politically stable
government and the state domestic product on an increasing curve,
Bengal has been undergoing a "baby boom" for the past thirty years)
land plots have become smaller and smaller, not viable to produce
enough to allow the farming families even the basic necessities.
The state government came
forward with an attractive compensation package, providing more than
200% of the market value of the land. By merely keeping the money in
banks, even for short-term deposits, the land-loser families would have
more than four times the annual income that they earn from farming.
There was more. Each land-loser
family would be ensured of at least one high-paying job in the Tata
factory itself, the necessary training to be provided free by the state
government.
The Tata project would require
setting up a series of ancillary and downstream engineering units,
which would provide direct employment to the unemployed youth of the
area, including members of the families of land-losers. Excitement
spread across Singur and the Hooghly district because an industrial hub
was in the making. Employment would rise, to be followed by more
industrial capital.
But the opposition parties, with
the covert and overt support of the central government, foreign-funded
NGOs, and various US agencies operating in Communist Bengal, would have
none of it. They put together a rag-rag outfit of right reactionaries,
left sectarians, Maoists, religious fundamentalists, and rich landlords
to foil the project. The attempt is still going on.
The chief demand of this
campaign is that land be given back to the farmers, most of whom show
no interest. Those not willing to accept compensation (mostly on
political grounds) are less than one percent of the entire population
who have accepted the compensation-rehabilitation package.
These elements have beaten up
the Tata employees, and threatened local youth against joining the Tata
enterprise. They have attacked showrooms and offices of the state's
industries department. They have organised demonstrations blocking the
Tata factory, which was 95% completed, with the entire workforce plus
the ancillary projects ready to roll out the cars come the festive
season in mid-October.
At this stage, during the week
starting on September 15, the Bengal LF government announced further
incentives to the land-losers: more funds, more jobs, and assurance of
employment even for farmers who are actually migrant labourers. The
impasse goes on.
Still, the Indian and the
western media kept shedding crocodile tears for the "poor, suffering
farmers." The Tatas, in their turn, took the opportunity to threaten to
take their projects elsewhere to Congress-run states, the chief
ministers of which have made loud appeals to the Tatas to "come away
from Communist Bengal."
The Bengal government and the
CPI(M) hoped that statewide campaign-movements involving hundreds of
thousands of people from almost every section of society could bear
enough pressure on the irresponsible opposition parties and their
backers in and outside of the country to stand down and let the factory
go online.
Sadly, Ratan Tata announced
rather casually at a hastily convened media conference that the Tata
group would not wait for a people's response to the right-wing
depredations.
Having extracted the full
benefits from the Bengal Left Front government, including
infrastructural facilities, low land prices, payment of compensation to
the land-losers at a high rate, and a steady supply of specialised
motor parts vendors as part of the ancillary network, security, and
free access to the highest echelons of the cabinet of ministers, are
concerned, and more), the Tatas have now chosen to leave for greener
pastures. As we file this report, they are in the midst of negotiations
with Gujarat (where the right-wing state government distinguished
itself by allowing religious fundamentalists to run riot against
Muslims and Christians), Orissa (where another right-wing government
has recently supported by default the killing of Christian priests and
the raping of nuns), and Karnataka, where another tight wing government
rules the roost having come to office after an open rigging of the
elections held earlier in the year. As the people of Singur go through
a period of terrible uncertainty, Ratan Tata even managed a sick joke
at their expense, smilingly assured the media conference that he "had
to leave" because the opposition could "pull the trigger effectively."