10) IN DEFENSE OF THE MOVEMENT OF IRANIAN PEOPLE FOR DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS

(The following article is from the August 1-31, 2009, issue of People's Voice, Canada's leading communist newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited. Subscription rates in Canada: $25/year, or $12 low income rate; for U.S. readers - $25 US per year; other overseas readers - $25 US or $35 CDN per year. Send to: People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 133 Herkimer St., Unit 502, Hamilton, ON, L8P 2H3.)

Editorial from Nameh Mardom, central organ of the Central Committee of Tudeh Party of Iran, July 6, 2009 (excerpts)

It is now more than three weeks since the presidential election was held in Iran, in which Mahmud Ahmadinejad, the candidate of dark‑minded and anti‑people forces, was claimed as the winner, through extensive vote rigging and fraud, and the broad and organized intervention of military-security circles at every stage of the election process. The protest of the popular movement of our nation against this outrageous fraud in recent weeks has been one of the most extensive campaigns of the anti‑despotic struggle in the past three decades.

     Millions of ordinary citizens, including the working people, the middle strata of society and supporters of democracy and human rights in Iran poured into the streets and, through their peaceful and nonviolent demonstrations, demanded the annulment of the election outcome and the holding of a new and fair election. People around the world witnessed an unequal battle on their TV screens, between masses of people on one side and the military and paramilitary forces of the regime on the other. As a result of the shooting by the regime's security‑military forces, at least 20 people were killed and hundreds were wounded.

     Also, launching one of the broadest assault operations, the regime's mercenary hit squads arrested more than a thousand activists of the protest movement, prominent figures in the election campaigns of the reformist candidates, activists of the students' and women's movement and pro‑reform journalists, and sent them to the torture chambers. The forced confessions of these torture victims in front of TV cameras are now being used to frame some of the leaders of the reform movement and even individuals who at one point were considered among the "inner circle" of the regime.

     Similar confessions to these were planned and executed during the 1980s against a number of leaders of our party and other dissident and political organizations in the country to subdue the progressive and popular parties and ban them. Recent events remind us of the gruesome and bloody suppression that was inflicted on our nation by the dictatorial `regime of the Supreme Leader' during the 1980s, and which culminated in the "National Catastrophe" in which thousands of political prisoners, including a large number of the most prominent intellectuals, writers, labour movement leaders and activists, patriotic military officers, activists of the women's movement and many others, were massacred.

     In recent weeks, the genuine and freedom‑seeking popular movement of the Iranian people and its heroic struggle for democratic reforms has been the centre of world public attention and has enjoyed solidarity from across the globe. Few people can be found that, having witnessed the brutal confrontation of the military‑security forces of the murderous ruling regime with the unarmed and hopeful people of Tehran and other cities of Iran, would not support the women, youth and working people who bravely defy the troops of ignorance and dark‑mindedness.

     The reality is that the `regime of the Supreme Leader' and its installed government have wasted away a large part of the natural and human resources of Iran in the past four years by employing anti‑popular and reactionary policies. Iran, a country rich in oil and gas, has been plunged deeply into poverty, social and economic crisis, prostitution and corruption. The adventurous foreign policy of the regime has forced Iran into unprecedented international isolation and, given the current balance of power in the world, has put the political sovereignty and integrity of Iran under serious threat from the war‑mongering circles of imperialism.

     It is clear that, given the state of the people's struggle and also the focus of the world on recent events in Iran, no political force can remain impartial and neutral concerning this situation. One must either stand in support of the people's struggle or stand by a regime that is politically, economically, socially, ideologically and culturally reactionary, backward‑looking and anti‑people.

     ...The political position of all progressive, left, democratic and pro‑reform forces in Iran is aligned with the defense of the genuine movement of people and total condemnation of the policies of the regime. Even the supporters of the regime have split under pressure from the undeniable realities of recent developments and as a result of witnessing the enormity and extent of the popular movement; and sections of them have seriously criticized the performance of Ahmadinejad's administration and admitted that a change in direction of the development of the society is necessary.

     World‑wide, the vast majority of progressive and democratic forces, including communist parties, have stood beside this popular uprising. They have expressed their support for the broad campaign of protesting women, youth and masses, and have condemned the bloody suppression of the protest movement.

     Regrettably... some forces in the world have fallen into the calculated and cunning trap of the ruling regime of Iran, which is desperately trying to characterize this genuine popular struggle for peace, democracy, human rights and social justice as a move influenced by foreign machinations. The disbelief and scepticism of some forces towards the genuineness of this popular movement, and their belief that the slogans and demands of this marvellous uprising of the Iranian people is under the influence of the foreign powers, first and foremost stems from their inflexible and dogmatic perception and their lack of a comprehensive and thorough understanding of imperialism and the anti‑imperialist struggle. Also, it can not be ignored that such stances, rather than being based on knowledge, are reflections of the lack of awareness and knowledge of these forces, their narrow perception of the true nature of struggle and also the deceitful and populist slogans of the ruling religious `regime of Supreme Leader'.

     Also, it is important to note that in recent months, the regime heavily invested in this venture. Some examples are: launching the international broadcast of the "Press TV" network, in whose programs some of the figures from the left and peace movement have been featured; running certain internet sites that under the guise of "left" and seeking justice, make every effort to beautify the hideous visage of the dictatorial regime; premeditated contacts of the regime's embassies with communist and left parties around the world; calculated investment in the trade‑economic‑diplomatic relations of the regime with some Latin American countries and attempts to mobilize some of the left‑wing states to intervene in order to lessen and soften the harsh criticism of the left movement against the policies of the theocratic regime.

     By utilizing their economic and diplomatic leverage in some countries, the leaders of the regime in Iran have been able to avoid serious reaction by certain political forces in those countries to recent developments in Iran.

     One of the issues that became clearly obvious in recent weeks was the impact of such relations on the stance of countries that, in the final analysis, will act within the narrow framework of their own national interests. For a variety of reasons, although not ideological, Iran has close relations with some of the Latin American countries and with Venezuela in particular. These include trade and economic agreements. Due to their progressive and independent policies, most of these countries are threatened by the United States and its allies. Therefore, it seems natural that they should look for allies around the world in order to break the imperialist blockade. Furthermore, Venezuela's position in the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, OPEC, is similar to that of Iran. Therefore, it is only natural that, from the standpoint of inter‑governmental relations, Venezuela and other such countries in Latin America would hold positive views toward the ruling regime of Iran.

     The progressive forces of Iran and the world view the resistance of these countries against the imperialist plots as an esteemed struggle and support it. However, to us and to other progressive forces of the world, the national and anti‑imperialist struggle of these countries does not mean that we can approve of their contradictory diplomatic positions and their give‑and‑take dealings with... the `regime of the Supreme Leader'. The progressive and democratic forces in Iran can not withhold their concern and discontent about the positions of the official authorities of some of these countries, and in particular those of the government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, in support of the Iranian regime and its flagrant confrontation with the popular movement. Because of their trade and diplomatic relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran, these countries are unfortunately closing their eyes to the realities of recent developments in Iran, and in practice are standing against the popular movement in Iran. While appreciating the difficulties that Venezuela has in protecting itself against the attacks of imperialism and its political decision to have trade and economic dealings with the ruling regime of Iran and its reactionary president, we advise the leaders of the Venezuelan government to shun inappropriate and shallow speculation about the nature of the present developments in Iran, not to misrepresent it and not to doubt the authenticity of the popular movement of our nation.

     The ruling regime in Iran (and its government led by Mr. Mahmud Ahmadinejad) neither has the power to play a role in the struggle against imperialism nor are its policies in line with this. The conflicts and disputes of US imperialism and its European allies with the Islamic Republic of Iran are about dividing their spheres of influence in the Middle East. Today, the Islamic Republic of Iran considers itself a powerful country in the region and demands its own special advantages and sphere of influence. When the Islamic Republic of Iran finds imperialist interventions to its advantage, it formally and extensively collaborates (as has previously done so) with US imperialism and its allies. The crucial and vital collaboration of the Islamic Republic during the military aggression of the United States against Iraq and Afghanistan and its occupation of these two countries are two revealing examples of this. The leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran have admitted that they collaborated with the American forces and their allies during the military aggression of the United States against Afghanistan in 2001 and, for example, permitted US fighter jets to use Iran's airspace in order to launch attacks on strategic targets inside Afghanistan.

     Also, in preparation for a military strike against Iraq in 2002 and 2003, US‑supported forces, such as the "Iraqi National Congress", headed by Ahmed Chalabi, operated via Iran's territory at the western borders of the country, with the financial support and full knowledge of the United States. The official representatives of the regime at the Munich Security Conference in February 2009 made a formal public statement addressed to Javier Solana, chief secretary of the EU and responsible for EU Foreign and Security Policy, Joseph Biden, Vice‑President of the United States and Robert Gates, United States Secretary of Defense, declaring that if the interests of the Islamic Republic were protected, Iran would be willing to take a role in the political stabilization of Afghanistan and to cooperate with imperialist plans.

     The extent of "opposition" of the `regime of the Supreme Leader' in Iran to imperialism is similar to figures such as the reactionary Bin Laden, the fascist dictator Saddam Hussein and Omar Bashir, president of Sudan, the extent of whose compliance and interaction with imperialism is dependent on their short‑lived interests. It is a fact that these forces, regardless of their fleeting problems with some imperialist plans, have acted in unison and coordination with `Satan' in his most vicious plots against the interests of nations.

     The economic and social policies of the ruling regime in Iran have nothing in common with genuine anti‑imperialist struggle. All the economic data reveal that the government of the IRI has been adamantly following and implementing a comprehensive plan dictated by the IMF and the World Bank.

     Today, from the standpoint of the class base, the forces that are ruling our country are associated with the grand mercantile bourgeoisie and bureaucratic capitalism, which has grown within the deeply corrupted state apparatus. An unemployment rate of close to 20%, an inflation rate of 25%, millions of Iranians living below the poverty line, who account for about 15 million people as admitted even by the regime's officials, together with widespread corruption and prostitution in the society, are all logical results of the regime's policies. Extensive privatization, the executive order of the Supreme Leader for moving towards elimination of Article 44 of the constitution [that defines the economic system of Iran as consisting of three sectors: state, cooperative, and private], which is one of the achievements of the popular revolution of 1979, the brutal attack on labour organizations and trade unions, deterioration in working conditions and the violation of the rights of the working people, are all aligned with the policies of the theocratic `regime of the Supreme Leader'. The leaders and activists of the trade union movement are being tortured in prisons. Communists and true left forces are banned and under the most repressive measures.

     Can any true anti‑imperialist force have such anti‑people and reactionary characteristics?

     Our answer to this question is negative. Bearing in mind the natural complexities and intricacies of the current developments in Iran and avoiding drawing crude and simplistic conclusions, we must stand together with the communists, the left, the democrats and progressive forces of Iran and, in a united manner, keep the flag of support for the movement of the Iranian people raised, the movement in which the widest strata and classes of Iran's society have participated.

     The support of broad sections of progressive and left forces and the world communist and labour movement for the struggle of Iranian people, i.e. workers, women, students and youth, writers, religious-national forces, and especially the forces in the communist‑workers' movement of Iran, is a powerful manifestation of the worldwide anti‑imperialist and internationalist struggle of the world workers' and communist movement.

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