14) REMEMBERING
1935: BALLANTYNE AND CORBIN
(The following
article is from the June 16-30, 2010 issue of People's Voice,
Canada's
leading communist
newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited.
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By Kimball Cariou
Seventy-five years after a bloody police attack crushed an attempt to
organize the Vancouver docks, the event will be marked this month by
the labour movement. On Saturday, June 19, the International Longshore
and Warehouse Union-Canada will host a march from the Maritime Labour
Centre, a picnic at New Brighton Park, and an evening dinner and dance.
The events commemorate the "Battle of
Ballantyne Pier," a clash
between striking longshore workers and heavily armed police. But the
bigger picture shows that 1935 was full of labour battles in British
Columbia. A total of 140,760 working days were lost to strikes and
lockouts, nearly double the figure from 1934. As the "Great Depression"
continued, desperate workers increasingly turned to unions and strikes
to fight back.
Early in 1935, the Corbin Miners Association,
a local of the
militant Mine Workers' Union of Canada, launched a particularly bitter
strike at U.S.-owned Corbin Collieries, near the BC-Alberta border.
About 300 miners walked out on January 20, to protest the firing of
their union secretary. Demands included better transportation down into
the mine, and urgent repairs to company housing. In general, the miners
at Corbin and elsewhere were fighting a constant struggle against
company demands for wage cuts and layoffs.
The strike came to a head in mid-April, when
the company decided
to hire scab labour. A special force of over 60 police was rounded up
to help the bosses carry out this plan. On the morning of April 17,
hundreds of miners and their wives confronted the cops on a narrow
mountain ledge leading to the mine.
The women courageously stepped forward,
forming a line in front of
the picketers. Suddenly, a bulldozer roared ahead from the police
ranks. Supposedly brought in to clear snow along the ledge, the dozer
lurched directly at the women. The legs of several women were crushed,
and one woman was dragged 300 feet by the bulldozer. Another had to be
hospitalized after the machine's blade tore the flesh from her legs. A
pregnant woman lost her unborn child after being clubbed across the
shoulders and her abdomen.
The miners fought back, throwing rocks to halt
the bulldozer. Over
50 people were injured in the battle, including 14 police. Seventeen
strikers were arrested and held for three days, in a two-person jail
cell. But the mine did not open.
The Corbin struggle dragged on for months, on
the picket line, in
the courts, and in the arena of public opinion, where the brutality of
the company, the police and the government were widely exposed.
Ultimately the CPR tore up the railway tracks into the town, which was
abandoned.
But the strike was not in vain. The miners
were part of a much
wider fight which eventually compelled employers and governments to
allow wider organizing rights. Just as important, the Corbin miners and
other members of the Communist-led Workers Unity League took their
radical outlook into the mainstream of the labour movement, laying the
basis for the powerful working class struggle which achieved major
victories in the following years.
The longshore dispute erupted on June 4,
exactly one day after
hundreds of members of the Relief Camp Workers' Union boarded freight
cars to take their demands to Prime Minister R.B. Bennett. As the On to
Ottawa trekkers wound their way through the mountains, the Shipping
Federation was locking out thousands of longshore workers.
Most waterfront workers in this period were
unorganized and faced
a corrupt hiring process. Their exhausting work required brute strength
to move heavy boxes, sacks, and bundles. Accidents, occupational
diseases, manual lifting, and irregular wages guaranteed few workers
lived to a comfortable old age.
As with the Relief Camp Workers and the Mine
Workers Union, there
were Communist Party members and other left-wingers among the
leadership and rank and file of the waterfront strikers. During this
period, company-dominated unions "represented" workers at ports along
the west coast. The key shift took place in San Francisco in 1934, when
radical labour leader Harry Bridges led a successful struggle which
completely changed the balance of forces in the industry, including the
emergence of the ILWU.
In Vancouver, after a company union signed an
agreement considered
unacceptable by its members, the workers elected Ivan Emery, a
communist, to head the Vancouver District Waterfront Workers'
Association; ironically, the VDWWA was originally an
employer-controlled group which had been taken over by radical-minded
workers.
The immediate issue behind the 1935 showdown
was the loading of
"hot" cargo by unorganized workers in Powell River. Workers at the
Vancouver docks refused to unload the cargo, and strikes followed at
all B.C. ports. Militant workers were soon fired, and hundreds of scabs
were hired.
The workers were also demanding wage
increases, union recognition,
and a Fair Dispatch System. Of course, the strikers were also trying to
rid the waterfront of scab labour.
Allied against them were the stevedoring and
shipping employers,
and other local bosses, politicians and pro-business media, in an
anti-union "Citizens' League" that blamed the strike on the "Bolshevik
menace."
On June 18, strikers marched down Heatley
Avenue towards
Ballantyne pier with the intention of closing down the docks. With them
were thousands of supporters, from sailors and lumberworkers, to
students and members of the Longshore Women's Auxiliary. Leading the
way was Mickey O'Rourke, carrying a Union Jack flag and displaying his
Victoria Cross from the First World War.
Squads of police on foot and on horseback
lined the streets along
the railway tracks. As the strikers crossed Alexander Street, they were
attacked with tear gas and clubs. Scores of men, including a number of
police officers, were hurt in the battle, described as an "orgy of
sadism" by the BC Workers' News. The police trampled protesters with
their horses, clubbed them with sticks and fired tear gas through the
windows of the nearby union hall. Homes were raided and more tear gas
shot into tenement buildings.
"Vancouver will no longer tolerate Communist
agitators who incite
to riot," declared Mayor Gerry McGeer, ordering the arrest of Ivan
Emery. In total 24 union members were arrested.
The strike and the display of labour
solidarity continued for
months, starting with a massive "unity conference" of 30 unions at the
Orange Hall in Vancouver. Unfortunately, the union movement was
outgunned by the city's powerful employer-media gang-up and the
increased use of scabs. The final blow came from Justice H. Davis,
appointed by the federal department of labour, who filed a blatantly
pro-employer report into the strike in October 1935. Davis did not
mention the police violence at Ballantyne, blamed the unions for
"breach of contract," and claimed that the employer lockout had never
happened.
The strike was officially declared over by the
union on December
6. The only condition was recognition of the union of each worker's
choice, which allowed divisions to proliferate in the waterfront
workforce.
But in the long run, the seeds planted by the
struggles of 1935
bore fruit. It took until the late 1950s to unite all B.C. longshore
workers in one union, but this was achieved, largely thanks to the
efforts of visionary leaders like the late Craig Pritchett. Today,
waterfront workers are among the best paid on the west coast, and the
ILWU carries on many of the progressive traditions of Harry Bridges,
Craig Pritchett and other militant trade unionists. The 75th
anniversary of the Battle of Ballantyne Pier will be a fitting occasion
to pay tribute to their memory.